Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- Chapter 1 -- What is language planning? language policy? -- How Japanese is written -- History of language policy in Japan -- Language policy formulation in Japan today -- Underlying imperatives of language policy -- Which script? -- Some Japanese perspectives on language policy -- The major arguments -- Chapter 2 -- Historical background to government action -- The National Language Research Council -- The kana problem -- A temporary hiatus -- The Interim National Language Research Council

THERE ARE 2 NATIONALIST POLITICAL CULTURES IN QUEBEC. THE OLDER NATIONALISM IS TO BE FOUND AMONG THE BLUE COLLAR WORKERS BORN BEFORE 1925. SINCE IT IS A CULTURAL NORM IT WILL NOT BE EASILY ERADICATED. THE OTHER NATIONALIST POLITICAL CULTURE, THAT OF THE YOUNG WHITE COLLAR, IS MUCH MORE HEAVILY FOCUSED ON RESTRUCTURING THE FORMAL POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS IN CANADA. BOTH CONCEPTUALLY & MATHEMATICALLY, ANYTHING THAT IS A CULTURAL NORM IS NOT PARTICULARLY DEPENDENT ON ANY SINGLE FACTOR. HENCE, ALLEVIATING ECONOMIC DISCONTENT OR CULTURAL CONFLICTS IN THEMSELVES IS NOT LIKELY TO PUT AN END TO THE NATIONALISM OF THE YOUNG. BY CONTRAST, A RADICAL MOVEMENT IS MUCH MORE FRAGILE. THE NATIONALISM OF THE OLDER WHITE COLLAR WILL BE SEVERELY WEAKENED BY THE ELIMINATION OF ANY OF ITS PROPS. THOUGH THE EQUATION FOR THE YOUNG BLUE COLLAR IS MULTIPLICATIVE, IT IS NOT A MOTIVES/OPPORTUNITIES/RESOURCES EQUATION. RATHER, IT INDICATES THAT NATIONALISM WILL NOT SPREAD WIDELY THROUGH THIS STRATUM EXCEPT INSOFAR AS PEOPLE SIMULTANEOUSLY OVERCOME POLITICAL ALIENATION & LOW POLITICAL SOPHISTICATION. BECAUSE OF THE MULTIPLICATIVE FORM, THERE IS STILL A HEAVY TASK AWAITING THOSE WHO WOULD TRY TO MAKE NATIONALISM A NORM AMONG THE YOUNG BLUE COLLAR. GIVEN THE PRESENT PATTERN OF THE EQUATION, RAISING SELF-ESTEEM WOULD BE AN ATTRACTIVE WAY TO DIMINISH NATIONALISM. THE METHODOLOGY SHOULD PERMIT THE TRACING OF THE SUCCESS WITH WHICH THE RADICAL SUCCEEDS IN TRANSFORMING ITSELF INTO THE NORMAL. THE NEXT STEP IN RATIFYING THE METHODOLOGY WOULD BE TO SEE IF THE MULTIPLICATIVE GIVES WAY TO THE ADDITIVE FORM. 5 TABLES, 1 APPENDIX. MODIFIED AA.

Cover -- Half-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1 The mysterious shrinking circle of concern -- A puzzle: "close to home -- A second puzzle: "speak for yourself" in public -- Political evaporation -- In search of the American public -- The concept of the public sphere -- What is public-spirited political conversation? -- Objective self-interest? -- Subjective beliefs? -- Making the path by walking it: civility, feelings, and social structure -- 2 Volunteers trying to make senseof the world -- Part 1: Trying to hide the public spirit -- Plugging into volunteer work -- We accomplish a lot": what "the frontstage" is for involunteer groups -- The Royal Dog Steamer -- Backstage complaints and recognition of problems -- Backstage and frontstage among volunteers and officials together -- To avoid unequal participation, avoid talk -- Were volunteers just trying to avoid disagreement? -- Part 2: The institutional setting for volunteering: the "Caring Adult Network -- The first mode of participation: lending a hand -- The second mode of participation: "it all begins with the family -- The third mode of participation: rituals of care -- Alternative institutional contexts: political condensation? -- Conclusion: the culture of political avoidance -- 3 "Close to home" and "for the children": trying really hard not to care -- Trying really hard not to care -- Clarifying to each other whether or not powerlessness equals apathy -- You can have more of an impact uh . . . at least you feel like you can -- Technical knowledge and passion: "no black and white issues -- I'd like to think that": beliefs and desire about what to believe are inseparable -- Don't talk politics: it is "just rhetoric -- The evaporation of voices -- Conclusion: compassion and citizenship -- 4 Humor, nostalgia, andcommercial culture in the postmodern public sphere

In the post-colonial history of presidential aspirants in Zimbabwe, no politician has been as overtly religious as Nelson Chamisa, the current leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Chamisa identifies himself as a politician and a pastor whose politics are guided by his Christian faith. However, he took religious rhetoric to mobilise support to an unprecedented level when he explicitly blurred the boundaries between functions by calling for and leading a week of fasting and prayer from 29th July to 4th August 2019. Through a digital ethnography of Chamisa's Twitter posts and the direct responses to them posted by members of the public during the fasting and prayer week, this article investigates how this call was received by those who responded on Twitter and what this tells us about Zimbabweans' perceptions of religious politics, that is, the deployment of dominant religions like Christianity in politics.

The Iranian Revolution has catalysed the preconceptions holding sway in the Western World about the character of Islam and its politics, based as they are on a mixture of imagined cultural superiority and a latent fear of a resurgence similar to the Arab conquests of the seventh and eighth centuries of the long Ottoman domination of Eastern Europe.This book constitutes a counterweight to such monolithic perceptions of Islam. It surveys the nature of opinion and of government in the larger Muslim regions of the world, and the position of Muslims in states where they are not the dominant populat