"Descriptive research from the '70's suggests that management has traditionally been a sex-typed masculine profession; that men collaborated to develop a management science based on the tenets of masculinity; and that by understanding men's experience in military organizations and team sports, much of the mystique of masculine management may be understood.1 Empirical research from this same time period documents that effective managerial performance is associated with attributes of masculinity in the eyes of both women and men.2 The research focus on sex roles and managerial rotes is, of course, a response to the entry of large numbers of women into management positions during the '70's. In the 80's, the popular management literature urges us to consider the flexibility of the "androgynous" manager, one who is neither sex-typed masculine nor sex-typed feminine.3 The androgynous manager is not limited by the traditional constraints of masculinity of femininity in his or her expectations of self or others. Rather, androgynous managers exhibit a high degree of both masculine and feminine characteristics. As such, they have a wider range of behaviors with which they may respond to the contingencies of the leadership/management situation, including the gendered behavior of the people they supervise. Two important questions arise Out of a review of the above knowledge. How do our students describe the good manager in terms of masculine and feminine personality characteristics? How does each view himself or herself in terms of these characteristics? To answer these questions, organizational behavior professors have often used the Bem Sex-Rote Inventory (BSRI) to measure students' descriptions of the good manager and/or their perceptions of themselves as feminine and masculine.4 The BSRI instrument asks individuals to describe their behavior on a seven-point scale for each of 60 phrases. Twenty are feminine characteristics, twenty are masculine characteristics and twenty are neutral., socially desirable characteristics. Scoring of the instruments yields one of four possible outcomes: an individual may be categorized as feminine, masculine, androgynous (high values for both masculine and feminine characteristics) or undifferentiated (low values for both masculine and feminine characteristics). The median scores for classifying individual scores may be based on group scores or on median scores from Bern's research. The BSRI has been a useful research tool, but as a teaching or training tool, some adverse effects have been noted, for example, by Davis, Powell and Randolph.6 They point out that males who score feminine feel, threatened about their self-concept and sexuality. Our use of the BSRI in teaching and training situations has produced many additional undesirable responses. Some women have felt their femininity threatened by masculine scores, many who scored androgynous have expressed concern that their scores reflect deviance, and those who have scored undifferentiated have joked that they are nerds, nebbishes, asexual, not yet formed into anything, don't have personalities, and the like. Further, when students or workshop participants are told that median scores differ for different populations tested, the instrument and, perhaps even what it purports to measure, seems arbitrary, and artificial. Justifying and explaining this to the black-andwhiters of the world is a tedious task. This experiential exercise is designed to take the sting and stigma Out of the BSRI scores and labels, and to use its masculine and feminine constructs to guide personal exploration of each individual's gendered aspect of his or her self concept. Participants have the opportunity to reflect on their beliefs about themselves and about what a good manager is like in terms of masculine and feminine dimensions. The exercise is effective for introducing issues of managing a mixed sex work team and for examining leadership style in various situations. It is especially relevant for use in classes such as Women and Men in Organizations or Women in Management in colleges of business administration, or classes in other departments in which gender roles and organizational roles are studied. These include: sociology, anthropology, psychology, communication, human development, education and social work. "
Excessive bleeding at surgery is a feared complication in patients with inherited platelet disorders (IPD), however very few studies have evaluated the frequency of surgical bleeding in these hemorrhagic disorders. We performed a multicentric, retrospective worldwide study to assess the bleeding complications of surgery, the preventive and therapeutic approaches adopted and their efficacy in patients with IPDs by rating the outcome of 829 surgical procedures carried out in 423 patients with well defined forms of IPD (238 inherited platelet function disorders -IPFD- and 185 inherited platelet number disorders-IPND-). Frequency of surgical bleeding was high in patients with IPD (19.7%), with a significantly higher bleeding incidence in IPFDs (24.8%) than in IPNDs (13.4%). The frequency of bleeding varied according to the type of IPD, with biallelic Bernard Soulier syndrome having the highest occurrence (44.4%), and was predicted by a preoperative WHO bleeding score >/-2. Some types of surgery were associated with a higher bleeding incidence, like cardiovascular and urologic surgery. The use of preoperative prohemostatic treatments was associated with a lower bleeding frequency in patients with IPFD but not in IPNDs. Desmopressin, alone or with antifibrinolytic agents, was the preventive treatment associated with lowest bleedings. Platelet transfusions were used more frequently in patients at higher bleeding risk. Surgical bleeding risk in IPD is substantial, especially in IPFDs, and bleeding history, type of disorder, type of surgery and female gender are associated with higher bleeding frequency. Prophylactic preoperative prohemostatic treatments appear to be required and associated with a lower bleeding incidence. ; Fil: Orsini, Sara. Università di Perugia; Italia ; Fil: Noris, Patrizia. University Of Pavia. Policlinico San Matteo; Italia ; Fil: Bury, Loredana. Università di Perugia; Italia ; Fil: Heller, Paula Graciela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Houssay. Instituto de Investigaciones Médicas. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Medicina. Instituto de Investigaciones Médicas; Argentina ; Fil: Santoro, Cristina. Università degli studi di Roma ; Italia ; Fil: Kadir RA. Royal Free Hospital; Reino Unido ; Fil: Butta, Nora C. Hospital Universitario la Paz; España ; Fil: Falcinelli, Emanuela. Università di Perugia; Italia ; Fil: Cid, Ana Rosa. Hospital Universitario y Politecnico ; España ; Fil: Fabris, Fabrizio. Università di Padova; Italia ; Fil: Fouassier, Marc. Centre Hospitalier Universitaire de Nantes; Francia ; Fil: Miyazaki, Koji. Kitasato University. School Of Medicine; Japón ; Fil: Lozano, Maria Luisa. Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. Instituto de Salud; España ; Fil: Zuñiga, Pamela. Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile; Chile ; Fil: Flaujac, Claire. Cochin Hospital; Francia ; Fil: Podda, Gian Marco. Università degli Studi di Milano; Italia ; Fil: Bermejo, Nuria. Hospital ; España ; Fil: Favier, Remi. French Reference Centre For Inherited Platelet Disorder; Francia ; Fil: Henskens, Yvonne. Maastricht University. Medical Centre; Países Bajos ; Fil: De Maistre, Emmanuel. Centre Hospitalier Universitaire Dijon; Francia ; Fil: De Candia, Erica. Universitá Cattolica Sacro. Policlinico Agostino Gemelli; Italia ; Fil: Mumford, Andrew. University Of Bristol. School Of Clinical Sciences; Reino Unido ; Fil: Ozdemir, Gul Nihal. Cerrahpasa Medical Faculty. Pediatric Hematology Depart; Turquía ; Fil: Eker, Ibrahim. Gülhane Military Medical Faculty. Pediatric Hematology; Turquía ; Fil: Nurden, Paquita. Xavier Arnozan Hospital; Francia ; Fil: Bayart, Sophie. Centre Régional de Traitement Des Hémophiles; Francia ; Fil: Lambert, Michele P. University of Pennsylvania; Estados Unidos ; Fil: Bussel, James. Weill Cornell Medicine; Estados Unidos ; Fil: Zieger, Barbara. University Medical Center Freiburg; Alemania ; Fil: Tosseto, Alberto. San Bortolo Hospital; Italia ; Fil: Melazzini, Federica. Università degli studi di Pavia. Policlinico San Matteo; Italia ; Fil: Glembotsky, Ana Claudia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Houssay. Instituto de Investigaciones Médicas. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Medicina. Instituto de Investigaciones Médicas; Argentina ; Fil: Pecci, Alessandro. Università degli studi di Pavia. Policlinico San Matteo; Italia ; Fil: Cattaneo, Marco. Università degli Studi di Milano; Italia ; Fil: Schlegel, Nicole. Centre Hospitalier Universitaire ; Francia ; Fil: Gresele, Paolo. Università di Perugia; Italia
This thesis is a collection of three empirical essays in economic policy. All essays are independent and contribute to various fields of economic policy decision-making, which have gained importance in recent years. The first one analyses the introduction of a family-friendly policy and its impact on maternal labour market participation. To combat skills shortages, promoting female participation in the labour market has become one of the most important measures. The second essay tackles the question of whether individuals have equal opportunities in society. In major advanced economies, increasing inequality raises questions about equality of opportunity. And the third essay deals with multinational firms and their allocation of labour worldwide. All chapters share the same motivation, namely the importance of the policy framework in shaping decisions on an individual, family, and firm level. They also show the importance of access to large-scale data and the application of appropriate econometric models. Both are fundamental elements to better understand complex channels and mechanisms, which are crucial determinants for designing the right policies. The first chapter analyses the labour market impact of a childcare reform in the city of Bern within a quasi-experimental setting. Using data from individual-level tax records, I study the effects of the introduction of the childcare voucher system in 2014 on maternal labour market outcomes in a difference-in-difference and event-study framework. My results show that easier access to subsidised childcare increases maternal employment and labour earnings, especially for those mothers in low-income households and those having only one child. I address the ultimate question of net benefits of this childcare reform in the second part. Within a back-on-an-envelop cost-benefit analysis, I show that one additional franc spent on childcare subsidies increases maternal earnings by more than one franc. This chapter shows that it is crucial how policies are designed. More target-oriented policies might create large incentives to increase labour market participation of vulnerable people. Childcare subsidies, finally, pays out from a welfare perspective, especially in the long run. Chapter 2, co-authored with Isabel Z. Martìnez, sheds light on different dimensions of intergenerational mobility. Prior work has shown that intergenerational mobility in Switzerland is high compared to other countries. Our study, however, emphasises that intergenerational mobility has multiple dimensions and looking at only one outcome does not fully capture (in)equality of opportunity. We find that while mobility in income is very high, it is lower in wealth and considerably lower in education and occupation status. Individual's education and occupation choices are, therefore, more driven by family background. Furthermore, there is significant heterogeneity among subgroups by gender and migratory background. Each dimension implies a different conclusion on equality of opportunity in Switzerland, holding large variation among different groups of individuals. In Chapter 3, co-authored with Daniel Steffen, we study the effect of outward foreign direct investment on domestic employment using firm-level data. Switzerland is a relatively small country with a high relative outward FDI stock. We aim to answer whether firms that engage in outward FDI increase or decrease home employment due to foreign activities. Economic theory suggests that there are negative (displacement effect) as well as positive effects (output effect) in place of offshoring on domestic labour demand. Using firm-level data and an instrumental variable approach, we find no evidence of the negative displacement effect but a positive and significant output effect of FDI to all countries, especially to high-income countries. On the other hand, we find a significant and negative displacement effect that outweighs the positive output effect for FDI to lower middle-income countries. Overall, outward FDI does not endanger the total number of domestic jobs in Switzerland, which is highly dependent on foreign relations. Foreign economic policy is, therefore, essential for individual firms in shaping their investment decisions abroad, which in the end has an impact on domestic labour.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the Russian culture and citizens' perceived fairness of the new Criminal Procedural Code of Russia of 2001 (CPC of 2001). The CPC of 2001 is a key policy in the Russian criminal law reform with the purpose of implementing adversarial procedure elements in Russia. The existing literature has documented the lack of public support along with observed violations of the CPC's major provisions which as made this an important area for study. It is theorized that the apparent contradiction between the underlying values of the Russian culture, and CPC's adversarial procedure that reflects anti-cultural values, are responsible for the lack of substantial public support and acceptance of the CPC of 2001. The theory of motivational values developed by Schwartz (1990) is used as a framework to examine the Russian culture. Damaska's (1986) theory of procedural models is used to examine the adversarial elements of the new CPC of 2001. The group value theory of fairness is employed to examine the relationships between Russian cultural values and the public opinion about the criminal procedural law (Lind & Tyler, 1988). The study used a multi-stage stratified random sample of 1,588 Russian residents to explore the relationship between the culture and the perceived fairness of the CPC of 2001. The sample is representative of the Russian Federation population. The data is analyzed through four structural-equation models, a set of non-parametric tests, and descriptive statistical analysis. The findings of this thesis confirmed that cultural values in Russia are predominantly collective. On average, 69% of Russian respondents reported that collective values play a very important role in their life. The type of prevailing values was dependent on the demographic characteristics of the sample: age, gender, place of residence, level of education, marital status, and household income. It was found that the majority of Russian citizens believe that the inquisitional criminal procedure is an ideal of fair law. On average, 72% supported the inquisitorial procedural model in Russia. Unlike the adversarial procedure, the inquisitorial procedural model is not based on competition between the equal parties of prosecution and defense. Instead, it is viewed as a cooperative process between the judge, prosecutor and defense in their inquiry into the circumstances of the case. The adversarial procedural model was not supported by most citizens. Only 33.5% reported that the adversarial procedural model can be considered fair. The study corroborated that the new CPC was not fully supported by the majority of respondents. An average of 27.5% of respondents in Russia reported that the CPC of 2001 is a fair law, in comparison to 72.5% who think that the CPC of 2001 is unfair. The findings validated that the CPC of 2001's inclusion of adversarial procedural elements contradict key values of the contemporary Russian culture. It is concluded that the CPC of 2001 should be reformed to facilitate citizen acceptance. Greater acceptance will support the attempt to advance the democratization of the criminal process through increased civil rights while simultaneously enhancing positive social control. It is proposed that the planned policy reforms that contain additional elements of the adversarial criminal procedure be introduced in a phased manner. It is also recommended that the adversarial procedure values should be publicized through public awareness educational programs. The data analysis also suggests that confounding factors such as citizen distrust of the criminal justice institutions can contribute to problems associated with acceptance of the criminal law reform. The research model developed for this study can be used to examine policies related to criminal law reform in other former Soviet Union countries. ; 2007-12-01 ; Ph.D. ; Health and Public Affairs, Department of Criminal Justice and Legal Studies ; Doctorate ; This record was generated from author submitted information.
PURPOSE: Hypertension (HTN) affects one in every three adults in the United States. Often associated with the older population, this silent killer has emerged in an unsuspecting group, young military soldiers. With the rapid succession of multiple deployments, long intervals between blood pressure (BP) assessments, and the absence of cardiovascular (CV) measures during the pre and post deployment health screenings; soldiers may be at higher risk for HTN than their civilian counterparts of the same age. The purpose of this study was to explore real-time continuous CV measures of soldiers before, during, and after exposure to a simulated combat stressor as well as to assess which personal characteristics played a significant role. METHODS: Applying the Allostasis/Allostatic Load theoretical framework, a repeated measure quasi-experimental design was used to compare the CV measures of two groups: one exposed to a physical combat stressor (experimental) and the other exposed to a psychological combat stressor (control). A convenience sample of 60 college Army Reserve Officer Training Corps cadets were fitted with Tiba Medical Ambulo 2400 ambulatory BP monitors for 48 continuous hours. Several CV indices were analyzed using one-way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA), paired t-test, and independent sample t-test. Four instruments (Participant Information Sheet, State-Trait Anxiety Inventory, Paintball Perceived Stress Questionnaire, and Army Physical Fitness Test) were used to assess which characteristics played the most significant role in the CV response. RESULTS: Demographic characteristics between the two 30-cadet groups were not statistically different, with the exception of deployment history (experimental = 4, control= 0). Hours after the stress exposure, subjects in the experimental group had a higher mean awake systolic blood pressure (SBP) when compared to the control group (113.76 mm Hg vs 102.98 mm Hg, p= 009). When assessing pre and post stressor morning BP surge and evening BP decline, the control group showed the biggest change. Significant bivariate correlations (p < .05) found that: Females consistently had higher pulse rates (PR) throughout each of the phases. Age positively correlated with elevated BP during the stressor, and increased morning BP surge post stressor. African Americans had higher sleep BPs pre stressor, and decreased SBP recovery post stressor; Hispanics had higher PRs during and after the stressor. Waist circumference positively correlated with elevated BP morning surge pre stressor but, body mass index (BMI) positively correlated with elevated BP morning surge post stressor as well as elevated BP during the stressor. Family history of HTN played no significant role; however, deployment history correlated with mean awake SBP post stressor. Trait anxiety scores negatively correlated with SBP recovery while state anxiety scores positively correlated with post stressor awake mean arterial pressure and evening SPB decline. Perceived stress during the stressor negatively correlated with post stressor SBP morning surge with females reporting higher anxiety and stress. Finally, Army Physical Fitness (APFT) total scores as well as APFT run scores negatively correlated with pre and post stressor sleep PRs. DISCUSSION/IMPLICATIONS: Age, female gender, African American descent, Hispanic ethnicity, waist circumference, BMI, previous deployment history, level of fitness and the psychological stress state during and after a stressor played significant roles in soldiersÃÃ'Â'ÃÂ'Ã'Â' CV response. SBP was the most dynamic and informative of the CV indices and a psychological stressor was comparable to a physical stressor when observing the residual effect of stress. If a combat exercise was enough of a stressor to produce residual CV effects that lasted well into following morning, the residual effect of a lengthy strenuous deployment may be alarming. This study not only provided a snapshot of the CV health of incoming young soldiers, but also provided evidence to support policy change regarding the implementation of regular CV health assessments before and after deployment. ; 2010-08-01 ; Ph.D. ; Other, School of Nursing ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.
Desde la década de 1980, la migración laboral ha venido feminizándose cada vez en mayor medida en el este y sudeste asiáticos. Para principios del siglo XXI, se estimaba que había más de dos millones de mujeres trabajando en la región, lo que constituye un tercio de la población migrante. Casi todas las mujeres migrantes se desempeñan en labores reproductivas, como el trabajo doméstico y los servicios sexuales, en hogares de particulares y sectores comerciales informales. No obstante la gran necesidad de proteger su bienestar y sus derechos humanos, los gobiernos de los países de destino ven a los migrantes simplemente como una fuerza laboral que se requiere para cubrir la escasez de mano de obra local, e ignora las medidas de protección y las políticas en función del género. Por su parte, bajo la presión para incrementar los ingresos de divisas extranjeras, los países que constituyen la fuente de esta fuerza laboral alientan a sus mujeres a migrar y a remitir sus ganancias, pero ante la competencia mundial, los gobiernos de estos países han mostrado poco interés en el bienestar de las mujeres migrantes. En el contexto de los antecedentes poco alentadores en materia de derechos humanos de los países del este y sudeste asiáticos, los actores no estatales han adquirido una importancia creciente en la defensa de los derechos de los migrantes, lo que han logrado a través de redes locales y transnacionales. Las raíces de la migración–feminizada y que por lo tanto tiene en cuenta consideraciones de género–en el este y sudeste asiáticos se encuentran en el rápido pero desigual desarrollo económico de la región, caracterizado por la desigualdad y el conflicto que producen las diferencias de género, clase social y nacionalidad. La transferencia de mujeres extranjeras de la región desde economías de bajos ingresos (Filipinas, Tailandia, Indonesia y Viet Nam, entre otros) hacia países de altos ingresos (Singapur, Malasia, la Región Administrativa Especial de Hong Kong, Taiwán Provincia de China, la República de Corea y Japón) intensifica la actual desigualdad de género, injusticia económica y discriminación étnica. Sin embargo, la migración internacional es un proceso contradictorio que, si bien brinda a las mujeres migrantes oportunidades para la movilidad social, también las somete a abusos y explotación. La mayoría de las mujeres migrantes son trabajadoras independientes empleadas por contrato que buscan trabajo en el exterior a fin de aumentar los ingresos familiares y sus ahorros personales. El empoderamiento resulta de su resistencia diaria a las estructuras de poder existentes, así como de la oportunidad de acumular recursos personales y colectivos. El análisis de las políticas de inmigración de Asia y de los patrones de migración de las mujeres revela que existen seis categorías de mujeres migrantes con sus respectivas características: • trabajadoras domésticas • animadoras (trabajadoras sexuales) • trabajadoras no autorizadas • esposas inmigrantes • trabajadoras capacitadas • trabajadoras que comparten un patrimonio étnico con la población que las recibe (como los brasileños de origen japonés en el Japón y los chinos de ascendencia coreana en la República de Corea). Estas seis categorías de mujeres migrantes se diferencian entre sí en razón de las condiciones de traslado al otro país, de empleo y de protección legal, por lo que difieren en cuanto a las formas en que enfrentan las prácticas desiguales y discriminatorias que encuentran en sus lugares de destino. En consecuencia, los ciudadanos conscientes y las organizaciones no gubernamentales recurren a diferentes acciones civiles y contramedidas para mejorar los derechos de las mujeres migrantes. Los gobiernos de los estados importadores de mano de obra del este y sudeste asiáticos tienen niveles distintos de tolerancia política frente a las actividades de la sociedad civil, por lo que existen diferencias importantes en cuanto a las capacidades y los recursos con que cuentan sus sociedades civiles para la acción colectiva. La bibliografía sobre este tema identifica tres niveles de efectividad de las acciones civiles y de la resistencia de la mujer en Asia. El primer nivel agrupa a Singapur y Malasia, donde la aplicación de estrictas políticas de inmigración, rígidos sistemas de contratación laboral y bajos grados de tolerancia del activismo cívico por parte del Estado limitan seriamente las acciones a favor de las trabajadoras migrantes. El segundo nivel reúne al Japón y la República de Corea, donde los estrictos controles fronterizos y las grandes cantidades de trabajadores, combinados con un relativamente alto grado de tolerancia de la acción colectiva, permiten a muchos grupos y organizaciones desafiar la autoridad del Estado y brindar asistencia legal y cultural a los trabajadores migrantes. En el tercer nivel se encuentra la Región Administrativa Especial de Hong Kong, donde, a pesar de una estricta política de inmigración y un rígido sistema de contratación laboral, el legado colonial británico permite a los trabajadores migrantes defender abiertamente sus derechos económicos y emprender acciones colectivas. La frecuencia de las manifestaciones de trabajadoras migrantes, en particular de las trabajadoras domésticas filipinas en Hong Kong, destaca la importancia de establecer redes transnacionales que permitan estrechar los vínculos entre los trabajadores migrantes en los países fuentes de la mano de obra y las naciones receptoras. La creciente presencia de un movimiento transnacional de protección en toda la región de Asia facilita los esfuerzos de las organizaciones civiles por mejorar los derechos y el bienestar de las trabajadoras migrantes. En conclusión, la feminización de la migración ha incrementado la desigualdad y la injusticia basadas en el género, la clase social y la nacionalidad en Asia. Pero al mismo tiempo, ha abierto nuevas oportunidades para que las mujeres migrantes puedan aumentar los ingresos familiares y la creciente sociedad civil de Asia pueda desafiar las políticas y prácticas opresivas que afectan a las trabajadoras migrantes. A pesar de que persisten muchos obstáculos legales e institucionales a la justicia social en los países que importan mano de obra, las acciones civiles de ciudadanos y trabajadores migrantes constituyen un paso importante hacia el reconocimiento de los derechos de las trabajadoras migrantes. ; Since the 1980s, labour migration has been increasingly feminized in East and Southeast (hereafter E/SE) Asia. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, more than two million women were estimated to be working in the region, accounting for one third of its migrant population. Most female migrants are in reproductive occupations such as domestic work and sex services, in private households and informal commercial sectors. Despite the great need to protect their welfare and human rights, governments of their destination countries view migrants as merely a workforce to meet labour shortages, and ignore protective measures and gender-sensitive policies. Under pressure to increase foreign revenues, labour-source countries encourage their women to migrate and remit their earnings from abroad, but in the face of global competition, governments of source countries have shown little interest in their migrant women's welfare. In the context of the E/SE Asian countries' bleak records of human rights practices, non-state actors have assumed increasing importance in advocating migrants' rights, which they have done through local and transnational networks. Feminized, and therefore gendered, migration in E/SE Asia has its roots in the region's rapid but uneven economic development, which is characterized by the inequality and conflict that differences of gender, class and nationality produce. The transfer of foreign women within the region from the low-income economies (the Philippines, Indonesia, Viet Nam, Pakistan, Bangladesh among others) to the high-income ones (Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR), Taiwan Province of China, the Republic of Korea and Japan) intensifies existing gender inequality, economic injustice and ethnic discrimination. International migration is, however, a contradictory process that, while providing migrant women with opportunities for social mobility, also subjects them to abuses and exploitation. The majority of Asia's migrant women are independent contract workers seeking employment abroad in order to augment family incomes and personal savings. Empowerment results from their everyday resistance to existing power structures, and from the opportunity to accumulate individual and collective resources. An analysis of Asia's immigration policies and women's migration patterns reveals six widely recognized and designated categories and characteristics of the women involved: • domestic workers • entertainers (sex workers)• unauthorized workers • immigrant wives • skilled workers • workers who share an ethnic heritage with that of the host population (such as Japanese-Brazilians in Japan and Korean-Chinese in the Republic of Korea). These six categories of migrant women differ from one another in the conditions of their border crossing, employment and legal protection, and they therefore differ in the ways in which they resist the unequal and discriminatory practices they encounter at their destinations. Consequently, concerned citizens and non-governmental organizations choose different civil actions and counteractive measures to enhance migrant women's rights. The governments of labour-importing states in E/SE Asia vary in their political tolerance of civil-society activities. There are thus significant differences in the capacities and resources that their civil societies have for collective action. The existing literature indicates three levels of effectiveness of civil actions and women's resistance in Asia. The first is found in Singapore and Malaysia, where strict immigration policies, rigid labour contract systems and low degrees of state tolerance for civil activism severely curtail pro-migrant actions. The second level characterizes Japan and the Republic of Korea, where tight border controls and large numbers of undocumented workers, combined with relatively high degrees of tolerance for collective action, allow many groups and organizations to challenge state authority and provide legal and cultural assistance to migrants. The third level is manifest in Hong Kong SAR, where despite a strict immigration policy and rigid labour contract system, the British colonial legacy permits migrants to openly pursue economic rights and collective action. The frequency of demonstrations by migrants, especially Filipino domestic workers in Hong Kong SAR, highlights the importance of transnational networking that links migrants in sending and receiving countries. The growing presence of a transnational advocacy movement throughout Asia facilitates the efforts of civil organizations to enhance migrants' rights and welfare. In conclusion, feminized migration has increased inequality and injustice based on gender, class and nationality in Asia. It has also, however, opened up opportunities for migrant women to increase family incomes and for Asia's growing civil society to challenge oppressive policies and practices affecting migrants. Although many legal and institutional barriers to social justice remain in labour-importing countries, civil actions by citizens and migrants comprise significant steps toward the realization of migrant workers' rights. ; Depuis les années 80, les travailleurs migrants en Asie de l'est et du sud-est sont de plus en plus des femmes. Au début du XXIème siècle, on estimait que plus de deux millions de femmes, soit un tiers de la population migrante, travaillaient dans la région. La plupart des immigrées ont des emplois liés à l'économie de reproduction: elles sont employées de maison ou engagées dans l'industrie du sexe, travaillent dans des ménages privés ou le secteur commercial informel. Bien que leur bien-être et leurs droits aient un grand besoin d'être protégés, les gouvernements des pays d'accueil ne voient dans les immigrées qu'une force de travail capable de remédier à la pénurie de main-d'oeuvre et ne se soucient guère de prendre des mesures de protection ou d'appliquer des politiques nuancées selon le sexe. Pressés d'accroître leurs recettes en devises, les pays d'émigration encouragent leurs ressortissantes à émigrer et à rapatrier leurs gains de l'étranger et, face à la concurrence mondiale, leurs gouvernements s'intéressent peu au bien-être de celles qui ont émigré. Vu les pratiques des pays de l'Asie de l'est et du sud-est en matière de droits de l'homme et leur triste bilan dans ce domaine, des acteurs non étatiques ont pris de plus en plus de place dans la défense des droits des migrants, qu'ils assument par le biais de réseaux locaux et transnationaux. La féminisation des migrations en Asie de l'est et du sud-est, avec toutes les spécificités que cela suppose, vient du développement économique rapide mais inégal de la région, qui se caractérise par des disparités et des différences entre sexes, entre classes et entre nationalités qui engendrent des conflits. Les femmes se déplacent à l'intérieur de la région, quittant les pays à faible revenu (Philippines, Thaïlande, Indonésie et Viet Nam notamment) pour les pays à revenu élevé (Singapour, Malaisie, Région administrative spéciale (RAS) de Hong Kong, Province chinoise de Taiwan, République de Corée et Japon) et ce déplacement accentue les inégalités entre les sexes, l'injustice économique et la discrimination ethnique déjà existantes. Les migrations internationales sont cependant des phénomènes contradictoires qui, tout en offrant aux migrantes des chances de mobilité sociale, les exposent en même temps à des abus et à l'exploitation. La majorité des migrantes d'Asie sont des travailleuses contractuelles indépendantes qui cherchent un emploi à l'étranger pour grossir les revenus de leur famille et leur épargne personnelle. Elles acquièrent leur autonomie en résistant jour après jour aux structures de pouvoir en place, et en accumulant tout ce qu'elles peuvent gagner à titre individuel et collectif. Une analyse des politiques migratoires d'Asie et des caractéristiques des migrations féminines fait apparaître six catégories largement reconnues, qui définissent les femmes par des caractéristiques données: • employées de maison • entraîneuses (travailleuses du sexe) • travailleuses clandestines • épouses d'immigrés • travailleuses qualifiées • travailleuses qui ont un patrimoine ethnique commun avec la population du pays d'accueil (tels que les Nippo-Brésiliennes au Japon et les Sino-Coréennes en République de Corée). Ces six catégories de femmes immigrées se distinguent les unes des autres par les conditions dans lesquelles elles ont franchi la frontière, leur emploi et la protection que leur offre la loi et donc aussi par leur mode de résistance aux pratiques inégalitaires et discriminatoires auxquelles elles sont confrontées dans le pays d'accueil. Les modes d'action et de lutte que choisissent les citoyens concernés et les organisations non gouvernementales pour faire valoir les droits des migrantes varient en conséquence. Les gouvernements des Etats de l'Asie de l'est et du sudest qui importent de la main-d'oeuvre tolèrent à des degrés divers les activités de la société civile, de sorte que les capacités et moyens d'action collective dont celle-ci dispose varient sensiblement selon les pays. Il ressort de la littérature existante que l'on peut distinguer trois niveaux d'efficacité parmi les actions tentées par la société civile et la résistance des femmes en Asie. C'est à Singapour et en Malaisie qu'elles sont les moins efficaces: de strictes politiques d'immigration, des systèmes rigides d'attribution de contrats de travail et un Etat peu tolérant envers le militantisme civil réduisent sévèrement les actions de défense des droits des migrantes. Le second niveau correspond au Japon et à la République de Corée, où de sévères contrôles aux frontières et une multitude de travailleuses sans papiers, mais aussi une tolérance assez grande à l'égard de l'action collective, permettent à de nombreux groupes et organisations de contester l'autorité de l'Etat et d'apporter une assistance juridique et culturelle aux migrantes. Le troisième niveau est atteint dans la RAS de Hong Kong où, malgré une politique d'immigration stricte et un système rigide d'attribution des contrats de travail, l'héritage colonial britannique permet aux migrantes de faire valoir ouvertement leurs droits économiques et de mener une action collective. La fréquence des manifestations d'immigrées, en particulier d'employées de maison philippines dans la RAS de Hong Kong, montre l'importance des réseaux transnationaux qui relient les migrantes des pays d'origine et des pays d'accueil. La présence de plus en plus forte d'un mouvement de défense transnational dans toute l'Asie rend plus facile la tâche des organisations civiles qui s'emploient à défendre les droits et le bien-être des migrantes. En conclusion, la féminisation des migrations a aggravé les inégalités et l'injustice fondées sur le sexe, la clase et la nationalité en Asie. Elle a cependant donné aux femmes migrantes la possibilité de grossir les revenus familiaux et a permis à une société civile en expansion en Asie de contester les politiques et pratiques qui ont pour effet d'opprimer les migrants. Bien qu'il reste de nombreux obstacles juridiques et institutionnels à la justice sociale dans les pays importateurs de main-d'oeuvre, certaines des actions menées par les nationaux et les migrants marquent un progrès sensible vers la réalisation des droits des travailleurs migrants.
Das GESIS-Panel bietet eine wahrscheinlichkeitsbasierte Mixed-Mode-Access-Panel-Infrastruktur am GESIS Leibniz-Institut für Sozialwissenschaften in Mannheim. Das Projekt bietet der sozialwissenschaftlichen Community die Möglichkeit, Erhebungsdaten aus einer repräsentativen Stichprobe der deutschen Bevölkerung zu erheben. Die eingereichten Studienvorschläge werden auf der Grundlage eines wissenschaftlichen Begutachtungsverfahrens bewertet.
Die Rekrutierung der Panelmitglieder erfolgte zunächst im Jahr 2013 in persönlichen Interviews, gefolgt von einer selbst durchgeführten Profilbefragung. Der Modus wurde von den Teilnehmern gewählt. Alle Teilnehmer der Profilbefragung werden als Mitglieder des Panels betrachtet und zu den alle zwei Monate stattfindenden regelmäßigen Wellen eingeladen. Die Startkohorte umfasste Anfang 2014 4900 Panelisten.
Um den Panelabrieb zu kompensieren, wurde im Jahr 2016 eine Auffrischungsstichprobe mit Hilfe des German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) gezogen. Die erste Kohorte umfasst deutschsprachige Befragte im Alter zwischen 18 und 70 Jahren (zum Zeitpunkt der Einstellung) mit ständigem Wohnsitz in Deutschland, während die zweite Kohorte Befragte ab 18 Jahren ohne Obergrenze umfasst.
Im Jahr 2018 wurde eine dritte Rekrutierungsstichprobe gezogen, die mit der Welle ge integriert wurde. Auch die dritte Kohorte umfasst Befragte ab 18 Jahren ohne Obergrenze. Rückwirkend wurden die Fälle bis einschließlich Welle fc (dritte Welle aus 2018) in den Daten ergänzt. Nähere Informationen finden Sie im Data Manual (ZA5664-65_sd_data-manual) und dem entsprechenden Rekrutierungsbericht (ZA5664-65_mb_recruitment2018).
Die Stichproben des German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) basieren auf einer disproportionalen Stichprobe von Befragten aus West- und Ostdeutschland. Ein Designgewicht, das die Integration der beiden Rekrutierungskohorten ermöglicht, ist im Datensatz enthalten. Nähere Einzelheiten entnehmen Sie bitte den Methodenberichten der Einstellungsverfahren und dem GESIS-Panel-Referenzpapier (Bosnjak et al., 2017).
Im März 2020 wurde eine Sondererhebung des GESIS-Panels zum Ausbruch des Coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 bzw. COVID-19 in Deutschland durchgeführt.
Im Jahr 2021 wurde die vierte Rekrutierungsstichprobe mit Hilfe des German International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) gezogen, die mit der Welle ja integriert wurde. Die vierte Kohorte umfasst ebenfalls Befragte ab 18 Jahren ohne Obergrenze. Nähere Informationen finden Sie im entsprechenden Rekrutierungsbericht (ZA5664-65_r_i12.pdf).
GESIS Panel Demographic Dataset Ab Version 43-0-0 ist der demografische Längsschnittdatensatz Teil des Veröffentlichungspaketes. Bei dem Datensatz handelt es sich um einen längsschnittlichen Datensatz (long format), mit harmonisierten Messungen zu demografischen Variablen: Befragten ID; Erhebungszeitpunkt; entsprechende Welle; Erhebungsjahr; Rekrutierungskohorte; Geschlecht des Befragten; Geburtsjahr; Geburtsmonat; höchster Bildungsabschluss; persönliches Nettoeinkommen; Haushaltsnettoeinkommen; Familienstand; AAPOR disposition code; Einladungsmodus; Teilnahmemodus.
Das GESIS-Panel bietet eine wahrscheinlichkeitsbasierte Mixed-Mode-Access-Panel-Infrastruktur am GESIS Leibniz-Institut für Sozialwissenschaften in Mannheim. Das Projekt bietet der sozialwissenschaftlichen Community die Möglichkeit, Erhebungsdaten aus einer repräsentativen Stichprobe der deutschen Bevölkerung zu erheben. Die eingereichten Studienvorschläge werden auf der Grundlage eines wissenschaftlichen Begutachtungsverfahrens bewertet.
Die Rekrutierung der Panelmitglieder erfolgte zunächst im Jahr 2013 in persönlichen Interviews, gefolgt von einer selbst durchgeführten Profilbefragung. Der Modus wurde von den Teilnehmern gewählt. Alle Teilnehmer der Profilbefragung werden als Mitglieder des Panels betrachtet und zu den alle zwei Monate stattfindenden regelmäßigen Wellen eingeladen. Die Startkohorte umfasste Anfang 2014 4900 Panelisten.
Um den Panelabrieb zu kompensieren, wurde im Jahr 2016 eine Auffrischungsstichprobe mit Hilfe des German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) gezogen. Die erste Kohorte umfasst deutschsprachige Befragte im Alter zwischen 18 und 70 Jahren (zum Zeitpunkt der Einstellung) mit ständigem Wohnsitz in Deutschland, während die zweite Kohorte Befragte ab 18 Jahren ohne Obergrenze umfasst.
Im Jahr 2018 wurde eine dritte Rekrutierungsstichprobe gezogen, die mit der Welle ge integriert wurde. Auch die dritte Kohorte umfasst Befragte ab 18 Jahren ohne Obergrenze. Rückwirkend wurden die Fälle bis einschließlich Welle fc (dritte Welle aus 2018) in den Daten ergänzt. Nähere Informationen finden Sie im Data Manual (ZA5664-65_sd_data-manual) und dem entsprechenden Rekrutierungsbericht (ZA5664-65_mb_recruitment2018).
Die Stichproben des German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) basieren auf einer disproportionalen Stichprobe von Befragten aus West- und Ostdeutschland. Ein Designgewicht, das die Integration der beiden Rekrutierungskohorten ermöglicht, ist im Datensatz enthalten. Nähere Einzelheiten entnehmen Sie bitte den Methodenberichten der Einstellungsverfahren und dem GESIS-Panel-Referenzpapier (Bosnjak et al., 2017).
Im März 2020 wurde eine Sondererhebung des GESIS-Panels zum Ausbruch des Coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 bzw. COVID-19 in Deutschland durchgeführt.
Im Jahr 2021 wurde die vierte Rekrutierungsstichprobe mit Hilfe des German International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) gezogen, die mit der Welle ja integriert wurde. Die vierte Kohorte umfasst ebenfalls Befragte ab 18 Jahren ohne Obergrenze. Nähere Informationen finden Sie im entsprechenden Rekrutierungsbericht (ZA5664-65_r_i12.pdf).
GESIS Panel Demographic Dataset Ab Version 43-0-0 ist der demografische Längsschnittdatensatz Teil des Veröffentlichungspaketes. Bei dem Datensatz handelt es sich um einen längsschnittlichen Datensatz (long format), mit harmonisierten Messungen zu demografischen Variablen: Befragten ID; Erhebungszeitpunkt; entsprechende Welle; Erhebungsjahr; Rekrutierungskohorte; Geschlecht des Befragten; Geburtsjahr; höchster Bildungsabschluss; persönliches Nettoeinkommen; Haushaltsnettoeinkommen; Familienstand; AAPOR disposition code; Einladungsmodus; Teilnahmemodus.
This report sheds light on information sources and on gaps in educational and occupational choices in Moldova by presenting findings based on original data collected in 2015. To support the government in reinforcing Moldova's career guidance and information systems for education and jobs, individual interviews and focus group discussions were conducted during the 2015 school year with secondary and tertiary students, graduates, parents, and teachers. The data address, for the first time in Moldova, issues related to how students make choices, what information they use and what they lack, and what assistance they find useful. As previously noted, one issue with career guidance in Moldova is that non‐school actors are only minimally involved in such activities. This report highlights how career guidance involves numerous actors well beyond the education system by examining the sources of information that students use and extensively reviewing international experience. The remainder of the report is organized as follows: section two describes the methodology of the study, with an overview of what factors into educational and occupational choices and the data used to assess the role of information in Moldova. Section three presents the main findings from both quantitative and qualitative data. Section four discusses the policy implications of the findings and presents examples from other countries of systematic educational information and career guidance that could be useful in designing reforms in Moldova.
In democracies, innovative political institutions have opened up scope for direct public participation often in the form of talk: citizens talking to the state and mutual talk among citizens on matters concerning community development. A prominent example is the Indian gram sabha, or village assembly, which occurs in a highly stratified context. This paper undertakes a talk-centered analysis of the gram sabha with a focus on examining the oral participation of women in general and women affiliated with microcredit self-help groups who have access to an associational life. The qualitative analysis of 255 gram sabha transcripts from four South Indian states finds that women associated with microcredit self-help groups employ a wider variety of narrative styles and utilize a more multilayered structure to convey their messages compared with all women taken together. Thus, the difference is not so much in the numerical instances of talking or in the types of issues raised, but rather in the quality of participation. The paper makes an important theoretical contribution by proposing the concept of oral democracy as an alternative to deliberative democracy, and urges an analytical focus on the oral or oratory competency of subordinated groups as they participate in these important institutions.
At the end of 2013, there were about 3.3 million people who remained forcibly displaced within the Great Lakes Region (GLR) of Africa. Of these, 82 percent were internally displaced persons (IDPs) and 18 percent refugees; 64 percent were under 18 years old. This Report analyzes the extent, causes, and character of this forced displacement, with particular attention to certain situations.
The Country Opinion Survey in Togo assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Togo perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in Togo on 1) their views regarding the general environment in Togo; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in Togo; 3) overall impressions of the WBG's effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in Togo; and 4) their perceptions of the WBG's future role in Togo.
The Country Opinion Survey in Peru assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Peru perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in Peru on 1) their views regarding the general environment in Peru; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in Peru; 3) overall impressions of the WBG's effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in Peru; and 4) their perceptions of the WBG's future role in Peru.
The Country Opinion Survey in Papua New Guinea assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Papua New Guinea perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in Papua New Guinea on 1) their views regarding the general environment in Papua New Guinea; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in Papua New Guinea; 3) overall impressions of the WBG's effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in Papua New Guinea; and 4) their perceptions of the WBG's future role in Papua New Guinea.
Migration has become an important phenomenon in many countries of Europe and Central Asia. The development implications of migration in the region were first examined in the flagship report "Migration and Remittances: Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union." This report builds on the World Bank's earlier work and focuses on an aspect of migration which is important, from various aspects, to practically all countries of the Europe and Central Asia region. The role that the diaspora can play is a major part in overall migration policy of the countries of Europe and Central Asia. This report represents a first step towards understanding the role that Europe and Central Asian diaspora can play in their home countries and how the Bank can facilitate these relationships. The report is part of the World Bank's migration program in countries of Europe and Central Asia, which was initiated with the aim to help countries respond to policy, institutional and program challenges of migration and remittances in the quest for sustained economic growth and poverty reduction.
