A Data-Driven Analysis of Cemeteries and Social Reform in Paris, 1804-1924
In: Routledge Research in Art History
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In: Routledge Research in Art History
In: Modern British histories
"This book is for anyone interested in landscape. Scholarly but accessible, it will appeal to non-academic readers as well as historians, geographers, life-writing scholars, and environmental psychologists. It develops a new approach to landscape history based on comparative biography, exploring the relationship between individual lives and landscapes in unprecedented depth"--
In: Routledge studies in Second World War history
Tourism to memorial sites -- The institutionalisation of memory in Germany -- The memorial sites of Flossenbürg, Ravensbrück, Bautzen II and House of the Wannsee Conference -- Visitor experiences at German memorial sites -- The future of memory in Germany.
World Affairs Online
In: Cambridge Latin American studies No. 100
During the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, countless slaves from culturally diverse communities in the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia journeyed to Mexico on the ships of the Manila Galleon. Upon arrival in Mexico, they were grouped together and categorized as chinos. In time, chinos came to be treated under the law as Indians (the term for all native people of Spain's colonies) and became indigenous vassals of the Spanish crown after 1672. The implications of this legal change were enormous: as Indians, rather than chinos, they could no longer be held as slaves. By tracking these individuals' complex journey from the bondage of the Manila slave market to the freedom of Mexico City streets, Tatiana Seijas challenges commonly held assumptions about the uniformity of the slave experience in the Americas and shows that the history of coerced labor is necessarily connected to colonial expansion and forced global migration
World Affairs Online
In: Delaney , E L , McKinley , J M , Megarry , W , Graham , C , Leahy , P G , Bank , L C & Gentry , R C 2021 , ' An integrated geospatial approach for repurposing wind turbine blades ' , Resources, Conservation and Recycling , vol. 170 , 105601 . https://doi.org/10.1016/j.resconrec.2021.105601
The End-of-Life (EOL) stage of the first commercial wind farms is fast approaching and uncertainty remains in how to deal with their non-biodegradable Fibre Reinforced Polymer (FRP) composite wind turbine blades. Repurposing options could potentially delay large volumes of material entering unsustainable waste streams such as landfill or incineration and contribute to the circular economy. To plan waste management methods as well as inform the collective team of policy makers, decision makers and local governments, it is essential to understand and assess the geographical variability in the quantity of potential FRP composite blade waste material. Decisions regarding EOL blades are complex due to the varying numbers of blades and diversity in models, therefore it is essential that decommissioning plans are tailored for each location. This research introduces an innovative spatiotemporal approach to investigate the magnitude of the problem and quantify blade waste material associated with the EOL stage of wind turbine blades using the island of Ireland case study. The technical and spatiotemporal variability is assessed through an integrated Geographical Information Science (GIS) framework and online dashboard for decision-making. The findings indicate that for the island of Ireland approximately 53,000 tonnes of composite material will reach the EOL stage by 2040 with highest material densities located in the west and southwest of the island. The integrated GIS approach provides important information on blade type and model to assist decision-making on the design of repurposing strategies for FRP composite blades and provides an exemplar for other countries.
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In diesem Buch werden die Institution Bürokratie und die personelle Gruppe der Beamten in Österreich (Cisleithanien) in ihrer Wechselwirkung zwischen 1848 bis 1914 untersucht: Im Zentrum stehen der bürokratische Apparat, nationale und politische Identitäten sowie Loyalitäten der Beamten, die Alltagskultur im Amts- und Privatleben, Fragen der neu eintretenden Frauen, sowie des Selbstbildes und des Fremdbildes der Beamten. ; Content of the book are the bureaucracy and its officials in Austria between 1848 - 1914, their mutuel influences in office and private life, cultur, identities and loyalities, as well as questions of images.
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Calixte Hudemann-Simon ; Inhaltsverzeichnis ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 97.28948
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In: Pérez , I V P 2020 , Through-Thickness Damage Timeline of Fiber Composites under Dynamic Loading . DCAMM Special Report , no. S274 , Technical University of Denmark , Kgs. Lyngby .
The share of composite materials in major civilian structures has been steadily increasing since the 1950s. Their excellent stiffness/strength-to-weight ratio makes them ideal for applications where weight saving and increased maneuverability are essential. During the past decades, material researchers, structural engineers and manufacturers have been bridging the gap between composite structures and traditional metallic structures. Their appeal is now permeating into the military sector, they are not only seen as a weight-saving opportunity for the main structural components but also as a vector to replace passive defense systems such as armor plates. Such plates tend to be very thick, and hence heavy, since they constitute the first line of defense against near-field blasts, ballistic and fragmentation attacks in active conflict areas. The aforementioned threats subject the target to strain variations that occur at a substantially higher rate than quasistatic loads such as fight maneuvering loads. Quasi-static loads induce strain-rates between 10 -3 and 10 -2 s -1 . Such low strain-rates correspond to the loading capacities of traditional servo-hydraulic machines making the characterization of both metallic and composite materials straightforward for said strain-rates, even for out-of-plane or interlaminar properties. Moving up in the dynamic domain, high strain-rates can be generated in various manners. High-speed servohydraulic machines are able to generate intermediate strain-rates between 10 -2 and 1 s -1 . In order to reach higher strain-rate levels, other known experimental methods are the Charpy machine, impact loading, the shock tube, small explosive charges or the Split Hopkinson Pressure Bar. These experimental methods are often used to characterize material properties on a coupon level, but are usually hard to scale-up when trying to perform tests at a sub-component or component level. In such cases, full-scale blast tests with real-life explosive charges are applied, where strain-rates can reach up to 104 s -1 . Performing tests on full-scale composite panels with realistic explosive charges is a non-trivial task. A secluded location, far from civilian activity, needs to be secured and personnel trained in explosive handling is usually required. What's more, because of the amplitude of the blast, these locations tend to be open-air facilities, where the explosive and the specimens are subjected to changing weather conditions, which can greatly aect the performance of plastic explosives, and hence be a nuisance for test repeatability. Additionally, measurements are difficult to perform during blast tests. Any kind of instrumentation device risks being damaged during a blast. The explosion cloud can even interfere with the imaging equipment, since it may engulf the test specimen obstructing the video recording during the initial phases. Therefore, only postmortem inspections can be performed on the composite plates. The through-thickness damage timeline generated by the blast is concealed within the thickness of the panels. Consequently, the panels need to be cut so that the extension of the delaminations can be measured. However, the experimentalist remains oblivious to when and where delaminations initiated and how they propagated. This work introduces a new experimental setup, the Narrow Beam Impact Test (NBIT), which aims to generate similar loading levels and damage modes as those seen during near- field blast tests but under controlled laboratory conditions. The NBIT consists of a narrow composite beam that is impacted by a soft polyethylene impactor while its thickness is exposed to two high-speed cameras. By doing so, the through-thickness damage timeline is exposed to the observer in real time. The rest part of the thesis describes the NBIT experimental setup, including mishaps and ideas that were not adopted in the nal design. Several impactor materials were tested and high density polyethylene was selected due to its tendency to generate a smaller impact ash while not disintegrating during the impact. The second part describes the experimental results of NBITs performed on composite beams made of E-Glass/Polyester. Damage modes within the impact energy range [50 - 1050] J were thoroughly described and three aspects were analyzed in order to establish the full through-thickness damage timeline: delamination onset time, delamination onset location and delamination propagation. It was measured that the first delamination onset occurred at an average of 20 s after impact. It was concluded that the delaminations onset time remains constant with respect to the impact energy. Delamination onset was consistently located at the rearmost third of the specimen's thickness and was seen to migrate backwards with increasing impact energy. The delamination propagation velocity was also measured and three propagation zones were identied with a rapid first propagation speed of ca. 1700 m.s -1 . Finally, the backside deformed shape is extracted using image tracking software for later analysis. Additionally, the deformed shape measurements allowed for discussing the dynamic eect on the longitudinal Young's modulus and the in-plane compressive strength. An increase of 27% and 63% was measured respectively. The fourth part focuses on the numerical modeling of the experiment. Part four describes a Finite Element Model of the NBIT built using the explicit commercial code LS-DYNA. The eects of the material modeling of the impactor are described along with two contact based delamination models. A parametric study on interlaminar properties was carried out and it was found that the delamination propagation was shear dominated. Thanks to the experimental deformed shape extracted in part two, the Interlaminar Shear Strength and mode II critical energy release rate were seen to increase by 79% and 10% respectively. The fifth and final part introduces an analytical model based on 1-D elastic wave propagation mechanics in order to understand the through-thickness stress state of the beams tested in part two. The analytical model was able to predict the delamination onset and location for the first delamination mode. Finally, Appendix A discusses a tangent of this work that arose while testing dierent impactor materials: the dynamic testing of polymers. The sum of the work presented in this thesis provides an insight into the timeline of through-thickness damage generated under dynamic loading in thick monolithic composites. Such improved understanding paves the way for designers of defense systems in order to tailor the architecture of lighter armor plates made of composite materials .
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In: Recherches sociographiques, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 383-400
ISSN: 1705-6225
Dans le domaine des sciences de l'homme, la démographie historique est l'une des préoccupations les plus neuves. Bien que l'intérêt pour les populations du passé ne date pas d'hier — les généalogistes et les historiens ont précédé les démographes sur ce terrain — l'analyse scientifique des phénomènes démographiques de l'ère préstatistique remonte à peine à l'après-guerre. C'est en 1954 que parut le premier ouvrage de démographie historique portant sur la population canadienne.1 L'auteur, le démographe Jacques Henripin, y montra pour la première fois tout le parti qu'on pouvait tirer des généalogies et des registres paroissiaux. Déjà au XIXe siècle, l'abbé Cyprien Tanguay avait su profiter de la qualité de ces derniers pour faire son Dictionnaire généalogique des familles canadiennes. Une utilisation ingénieuse de cet ouvrage permit à Henripin de soulever le voile sur la population du XVIIIe siècle. Il révélait ainsi au monde entier l'intérêt de cette petite société dont il avait pu mesurer la natalité, la nuptialité et la fécondité.
Depuis ce temps, les études de démographie historique se sont multipliées, en Europe surtout et en France en particulier. À côté des monographies de paroisses, fleurissent aujourd'hui des travaux sur les populations urbaines ou régionales et les groupes sociaux, d'autres sur des phénomènes tels la fécondité, la limitation des naissances et les migrations, d'autres encore sur des institutions comme la famille et le ménage.2 Deux articles récents, l'un de l'historien Pierre Goubert et l'autre du démographe Louis Henry, soulignent d'ailleurs les rapports fructueux entretenus en France par les historiens et les démographes depuis vingt-cinq ans et l'enrichissement apporté aux deux parties par cette collaboration interdisciplinaire.
Au Québec, c'est à Hubert Charbonneau que revient l'honneur d'avoir introduit la démographie historique à l'université. Pour enrichir le cours d'histoire de la population canadienne qu'il donnait au Département de démographie de l'Université de Montréal, Charbonneau se pencha sur le recensement de 1666 dont il souligna le tricentenaire dans une note de recherche. À la suggestion de son collègue Jacques Légaré et avec la collaboration de celui-ci, il entreprit ensuite le traitement par ordinateur des trois recensements nominatifs du Canada au XVIIe siècle. Deux historiens et un économiste s'intéressèrent à cette initiative et les discussions entre les cinq chercheurs aboutirent à l'élaboration d'un projet de recherche. À l'origine, ce projet impliquait la constitution d'une banque de données démographiques et voulait déboucher sur des réponses précises à de nombreuses questions d'ordre démographique, économique et historique. Il demandait qu'on définisse des techniques permettant la mise sur pied de la banque de données et qu'on utilise les renseignements ainsi recueillis pour vérifier certaines hypothèses, avant d'aboutir à une étude d'ensemble de la population canadienne ayant vécu au Québec, depuis le XVIIe siècle jusqu'au milieu du XIXe. Devant l'impossibilité d'atteindre à court terme les objectifs fixés, les trois collaborateurs non-démographes ont été amenés, en raison de leurs intérêts scientifiques, à remettre à plus tard leur éventuelle collaboration. Avec le temps cependant, trois nouveaux associés se sont joints aux promoteurs du projet: un démographe, un informaticien et un historien. Les travaux dans lesquels l'équipe est engagée — constitution d'une banque de données, élaboration de méthodes de traitement originales pour ces données et analyse démographique proprement dite — demandent en effet de longues années de travail et doivent être envisagés sous plusieurs angles à la fois.
Après six ans d'existence, les objectifs de notre programme de recherche sont restés les mêmes, soit le dépouillement et l'exploitation de tous les registres paroissiaux du Québec antérieurs à 1850. Dans une première étape, toutefois, nous nous concentrons sur la période avant 1765, débordant ainsi légèrement le régime français à cause des sources et de l'évolution démographique. Pourquoi nos efforts vont-ils d'abord aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles et non aux XIXe? C'est qu'en travaillant sur cette époque éloignée, la probabilité est grande que la conjugaison de plusieurs facteurs, dont l'existence et la qualité des sources dès le XVIIe siècle, les effectifs peu considérables de la population sous le régime français et la possibilité de travailler sur l'ensemble des habitants d'un pays depuis ses origines, conduise une équipe de recherche à un optimum de rendement. Commencer les dépouillements par les documents de 1760 ou de 1800 nous aurait par ailleurs pénalisés en nous privant de la connaissance de la population de base et en nous amenant à manipuler dès le départ des masses considérables de données.
L'originalité de notre projet est de vouloir mettre au point une fiche propre à chaque individu, qui soit élaborée par l'ordinateur. Sur cette fiche apparaîtra la liste des événements démographiques auxquels un individu a participé, soit comme sujet d'acte soit comme témoin ; cette liste sera complétée par un certain nombre de caractéristiques provenant des sources exploitées : sexe, âge, état matrimonial, profession, relation de parenté, lieux de résidence et d'origine. La somme de ces fiches biographiques permettra de constituer sur bande magnétique un registre de population fait de dossiers individuels. C'est ce registre qui permettra de reconstituer la population de l'ensemble du territoire étudié à une date donnée.
L'expérience nous a montré toutefois que l'élaboration d'un tel registre ne va pas sans une opération préalable qui consiste à situer un individu d'abord par rapport à ses parents et ensuite, par rapport à son conjoint, opération qui fait partie de ce qu'on appelle en démographie historique la « reconstitution des familles ». Or, comme nous travaillons sur une population qui compte au-delà de 4000 personnes au recensement de 1666, environ 20000 en 1700 et 200000 un siècle plus tard, il ne nous est plus possible de recourir aux méthodes manuelles de reconstitution des familles. Nous devons pour cela utiliser l'ordinateur, ce qui nous amène là encore à des innovations méthodologiques, puisque la reconstitution automatique des familles nous entraîne dans le couplage de l'information. La mise sur pied d'un registre de population et le couplage automatique de l'information sont nos objectifs les plus immédiats ; on ne saurait cependant les atteindre sans une longue et patiente collecte des données exécutée selon des méthodes rigoureuses. Ces deux pôles d'activité de notre programme de recherche déterminent le plan de cet exposé où nous montrons comment, après plus de six ans de labeur, a évolué notre recherche, quel est le travail accompli, celui qui est en cours et celui qui reste à faire.
Blog: Responsible Statecraft
In March 1906, U.S. forces attacked a group of Moros and killed more than 900 men, women, and children at the top of Mt. Dajo on the island of Jolo in the southern Philippines. Even though the death toll was higher than at well-known massacres committed by American soldiers at Wounded Knee and My Lai, the massacre at Bud Dajo has been all but forgotten outside the Philippines.Recovering the history of this event is the subject of an important new book by historian Kim Wagner, "Massacre in the Clouds: An American Atrocity and the Erasure of History." The book is a masterful reconstruction of the events leading up to the lopsided slaughter on the mountain, and Wagner sets the massacre in its proper historical context during the age of American overseas colonialism at the start of the 20th century. It also offers important lessons about how the dehumanization of other people leads to terrible atrocities and how imperial policies rely on the use of brutal violence.In the years leading up to the massacre, the U.S. had been extending its control over the southern Philippines after it had annexed the northern islands and defeated local pro-independence forces in the Philippine-American War (1899-1902). U.S. relations with the Sultanate of Sulu were initially regulated by the Bates Treaty of 1899, but within a few years the U.S. abrogated that treaty and sought to impose direct rule. The U.S. tossed the treaty aside on the recommendation of Gen. Leonard Wood, who was the local military governor based on Mindanao at the time.The massacre was part of a larger history of violent American expansionism, and it was the result of an imperial policy that sought to impose colonial rule on the Philippines. The U.S. effort to collect the cedula tax provoked significant resentment and opposition among the Moros. (The Moro name was the one given to the Muslim Tausugs of the Sulu archipelago by the earlier Spanish colonizers, and it was the one that the Americans continued to use.) As Wagner explains, Moro opposition to the tax was rooted in a defense of their religious identity, which they believed would be compromised and weakened if they submitted to a tax imposed by non-Muslim rulers.The Moros that sought refuge at Bud Dajo were protesting the encroachment of a new colonial power and resisting interference in their way of life. The U.S. authorities there perceived them and cast them as outlaws, and under the command of the same Gen. Wood, U.S. forces proceeded to wipe almost all of them out. As Daniel Immerwahr comments in "How to Hide an Empire," "Massacres like this weren't unknown in the United States. …Yet Bud Dajo dwarfed them all."The atrocity was initially the cause of some controversy at home, and anti-imperialist critics of American rule in the Philippines tried to use it to attack the Roosevelt administration's policies. The criticism was short-lived, and no one involved with the massacre at any level faced any penalties later. The massacre was quickly rationalized and normalized with the familiar appeals to "necessity" and an exceptionalist belief in America's expansionist mission.The similarities with crimes committed by the military against Native Americans led most Americans to justify the slaughter at Bud Dajo rather than condemn it. The similarities with crimes committed by contemporary European colonial powers didn't cause most Americans to reconsider the expansionist project, but instead it led them to retract their earlier criticisms of European atrocities. Merely exposing an atrocity abroad often has no political effect if most people at home are determined to ignore or excuse it.Wagner details how Wood and the Roosevelt administration tried to control the flow of information about the massacre, but the massacre was never a secret. There was never an attempt at a cover-up because the massacre became so widely accepted as "necessary." The officers and soldiers involved in the killing wrote letters home about what they had seen and done at Bud Dajo, and their correspondence is one of the sources that Wagner uses for reconstructing what happened on the mountain. The dehumanization of the Moros in the eyes of most Americans was so complete that the photographic evidence of the victims was turned into popular postcards for soldiers and tourists to buy.The photograph of the aftermath of the massacre taken by Aeronaut Gibbs stands out in Wagner's account. The photograph shows a trench filled with the bodies of dead Moros with a group of American soldiers posing alongside them. This is the picture that Wagner comes back to several times in the book to capture the brutality of the event and to illustrate how thoroughly the victims of the massacre had been dehumanized. The trench photo is an image of the atrocity "through the eyes of the perpetrators," as Wagner puts it, and he explains that the "image is not just evidence of a massacre—in the way that we might consider a crime-scene photo—but is itself an artifact of violence." American rule over the Philippines had been inspired by the example of European colonialism in Asia and Africa, and the American administrators of the overseas empire looked to copy the methods of European empires in suppressing local opposition by force. Today some proponents of American dominance still look back to this era of direct colonial rule as evidence of America's benevolent imperialism, but this ignores the record of brutal violence that was used to establish and maintain that rule. Bud Dajo was a shocking example of that violence, and it was the product of a system that routinely demanded and justified such violence against the people living under American rule. Though few Americans remember them, the U.S. wars in the Philippines were responsible for the deaths of up to one million people.Americans need to remember this period of U.S. history, but it is also important to recognize that many political leaders today use the same kinds of rationalizations to justify modern atrocities, whether they are committed by U.S. forces or client states acting with U.S. support.As Wagner puts it, "Whereas the actual history of US atrocities in the southern Philippines has been largely forgotten, the racialized logic that underpinned the violence of March 1906 has not." Just as the expansionists did 118 years ago, some supporters of American dominance continue to excuse war crimes by dehumanizing the victims and blaming them for their own demise.
Blog: Responsible Statecraft
Roughly ten years ago, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, or ISIS, swept across Mesopotamia. At its peak, it controlled large swathes of Iraqi and Syrian territory, equivalent in size to Great Britain, subjecting more than 10 million people to its brutal governance. Although the "caliphate" lost its state apparatus years ago, ISIS remains a destructive force by operating sleeper cells and waging deadly ambushes in Iraq and Syria. The remnants of ISIS have recently been conducting hit-and-run attacks in the Syrian governorates of Deir Ezzor, Homs, and Raqqa. The targets have been the Kurdish-led Peoples' Protection Units (YPG), the Syrian Arab Army (SAA), and Iran-backed militias aligned with President Bashar al-Assad's government, including the Afghan Shi'a Fatemiyoun Brigade.ISIS continues posing a "considerable threat in Syria," Danny Makki, an analyst covering Syria, told Responsible Statecraft. "The group maintains the capacity to conduct deadly guerrilla attacks and sabotage operations which, despite the group's diminished presence, have inflicted significant loss of life on Kurdish and Syrian government areas in the country." ISIS, Makki explained, does "not operate out of a specific area — there's no big town or base they have, so it's a difficult war to fight [against] them."Al-Sukhnah, located in the Homs Governorate of Eastern Syria, is a strategic town that has repeatedly been the target of ISIS attacks. According to Makki, ISIS has recently come close to capturing it. A year ago, ISIS waged its deadliest terrorist attack since January 2022, slaughtering 53 Syrians who were gathering desert truffles near al-Sukhnah. In the Homs Governorate, ISIS forces killed at least 14 SAA soldiers near the ancient city of Palmyra just last month.Debating the U.S. military presenceThe possibility of an ISIS resurgence cannot be discounted given the growing instability caused by the expansion of Israel's war on Gaza throughout the Levant with escalating tit-for-tat attacks between the U.S. military and Iran-aligned groups in both Syria and Iraq. Amid debates in Washington about the future of the U.S. military presence in Syria, ISIS-related factors — along with U.S. interests in countering Iranian and Russian influence in the Middle East while keeping the Assad regime weak — are given weight.A concern raised by many officials in Washington is the possibility that a withdrawal of the roughly 900 U.S. troops in Syria could result in an explosive comeback by ISIS. Whether such concerns are valid or not is debatable. Nonetheless, given the botched withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021, the Biden administration does not want the departure of U.S. military forces from another country to end in a takeover by violent extremists."The ISIS-related detention and displacement sites under Kurdish control represent a significant, latent threat," said Mona Yacoubian, a senior adviser at the US Institute of Peace."If the Kurds for some reason — for example, if they come under major Turkish attack or should the US withdraw from Syria — are no longer able to maintain control of those sites, ISIS would virtually overnight burst back onto the scene as a powerful force," Yacoubian told RS. "The ISIS detention sites alone hold some 10,000 ISIS fighters, a veritable 'ISIS army in detention' which could quickly pose a major threat to global interests if they break free."
"If you suddenly see thousands of hardened Islamic State fighters being set free [from Kurdish-controlled prisons], then yes, you're going to have a problem in these areas very soon," agreed Aron Lund, a fellow at Century International who focuses on Syria.Yacoubian's view is that the U.S. military presence in Syria has "been a victim of its own success." By maintaining a military footprint in the country, which has cost the U.S. relatively little in terms of blood and treasure, Washington has "enabled a strong Kurdish partner force that has been able to help stabilize the area and most importantly guard and control ISIS-related detention and displacement sites."
"This unsung success has essentially gone under the radar," argued Yacoubian. It ultimately amounts to "an instance where the absence of something happening, i.e. major ISIS resurgence, is the success. It is famously difficult to tout a non-event as a success!"Other experts, however, reject this idea that the continued U.S. occupation of roughly one-third of Syria's territory has made the country or the region safer from ISIS.The argument that ending the U.S. military presence in Syria would somehow empower ISIS is "absolutely ludicrous," charges Karim Emile Bitar, who teaches international relations at Saint Joseph University of Beirut."Those who peddle these sorts of arguments seem to have been living on another planet for the past 30 years," Bitar argued. "We now have plenty of evidence that whether in Iraq or in Syria [...] the presence of U.S. forces on the ground is actually what empowers and enables these groups and feeds their propaganda."The Lebanese scholar pointed to Barack Obama's 2015 interview with VICE News in which the then-U.S. president asserted that ISIS was a direct successor of al-Qaeda in Iraq, which itself blossomed as a result of the 2003 U.S. invasion and occupation. Obama called it a salient example of unintended consequences and urged foreign policymakers in the future to aim before shooting.
There is much to say about the responsibility of the George W. Bush administration's disastrous invasion of Iraq for ISIS's formation and rise. But one must also recognize that the way in which the U.S. would withdraw from Syria, if it so decides, matters. Among other questions to be addressed are, which local actors would Washington coordinate the pull-out with? And what would such coordination look like?"There's a serious risk of short-term disruption and conflict, should the United States withdraw without adequate arrangements with other actors in the region," according to Lund. "Changing a long-established status quo is always risky, even if it's an unsatisfying status quo—or even a really bad one.""Should the current security architecture collapse, such as after a U.S. withdrawal, it's likely that the Islamic State would exploit that and gain in power and influence," he added. Lund also noted that a "meteoric rise of the 2013, 2014 kind does not look likely at all, because so much has changed, and people are now aware of the problem."There are undoubtedly many compelling arguments as to why the U.S. military should exit Syria. But coordinating this withdrawal with local actors will be key if ISIS is to be denied the chance to exploit chaos, which the group has historically done very effectively.
L'elaborato Il Totalitarismo negli scritti di intellettuali fascisti e di oppositori italiani tratta del concetto di totalitarismo, di come nasce e di come viene percepito dagli attori politici del tempo. A differenza di quel che si pensa il termine totalitarismo non ha radici molto lontane, infatti, viene coniato agli inizi del secolo scorso dagli intellettuali italiani per indicare il Fascismo. Il primo capitolo tratta delle prime apparizioni di questo nuovo termine, infatti, lo ritroviamo negli scritti di Amendola, Sturzo e Gramsci e molti altri intellettuali, che usano la parola totalitario per sottolineare la novità di ciò che accade in Italia, proprio a mostrare la differenza che c'è tra le dittature passate e il nuovo tipo di politica fascista. Il capitolo due viene suddiviso in tre parti: Antonio Gramsci, Luigi Sturzo e il Partito Nazionale Fascista. Questi tre attori fanno parte di schieramenti del tutto diversi, infatti, Gramsci è uno dei massimi pensatori italiani del comunismo, mentre Sturzo è il padre del Partito popolare italiano. Nonostante le divergenze di pensiero tutti e tre utilizzano il termine totalitario. Gramsci ha intuito già prima del suo arresto, la presa di potere forte che il Mussolini ha imposto alla Camera dei deputati. Gramsci è consapevole che il tempo per i comunisti italiani non è ancora maturo ma combatte strenuamente contro i fascisti che si stanno accaparrando tutto il potere in maniera autoritaria. Anche dopo essere stato arrestato e costretto alla carcerazione con una condanna di 20 anni, Gramsci continua il suo lavoro. La produzione del carcere sarà raccolta in seguito nei Quaderni del carcere, l'opera più conosciuta dell'autore. Anche se questo saggio vede la luce dopo la morte del suo autore, i compagni del partito non abbandonano la lotta che Gramsci aveva a cuore. Don Luigi Sturzo è uno dei primi intellettuali a chiamare lo Stato fascista totalitario, la sua lotta per il popolo, con la creazione di casse rurali e di mutuo soccorso per i più deboli fece acquistare molta popolarità al partito popolare, ma Sturzo come Gramsci e tutti gli altri esponenti politici combattono le loro battaglie legalmente, mentre il fascismo è un'organizzazione che basa il suo potere sulla violenza e l'illegalità. Le denunce del prete contro Mussolini non sono servite a molto ma gli sono valse l'allontanamento dalla carica di capo del partito e poi di ministro all'interno della Camera, su volere del Vaticano, che ha già appoggiato il fascismo. Dal suo esilio Sturzo scrive Italia e Fascismo, l'opera conosce un grande successo a livello europeo e viene tradotta in più lingue. Il saggio di Sturzo è una denuncia a ciò che è accaduto in Italia, l'analisi di come il fascismo abbia assunto tanto potere, diventando il primo prototipo di stato totalitario e la somiglianza che questo regime ha con l'Urss. Dal canto suo il Partito Nazionale Fascista una volta imposto il potere ed eliminate le opposizioni, si allontana dal termine totalitario. All'inizio del suo percorso politico Mussolini aveva assunto con grande orgoglio il termine totalitario per descriversi, ma negli anni '40 del 900 prende le distanze da questa etichetta, ridimensionandola. La storia e le azioni fasciste si possono leggere nel Dizionario di politica redatto dal partito e voluto da Mussolini in persona. The paper Il Totalitarism in the writings of fascist intellectuals and Italian opponents deals with the concept of totalitarianism, how it was born and how it is perceived by the political actors of the time. Unlike what is thought, the term totalitarianism does not have very distant roots, in fact, it was coined at the beginning of the last century by Italian intellectuals to indicate Fascism.The first chapter deals with the first appearances of this new term, in fact, we find it in the writings of Amendola, Sturzo and Gramsci and many other intellectuals, who use the word totalitarian to emphasize the novelty of what happens in Italy, just to show the difference. which exists between past dictatorships and the new type of fascist politics. Chapter two is divided into three parts: Antonio Gramsci, Luigi Sturzo and the National Fascist Party. These three actors are part of completely different camps, in fact, Gramsci is one of the greatest Italian thinkers of communism, while Sturzo is the father of the Italian People's Party. Despite the differences of thought, all three use the term totalitarian. Gramsci had already guessed before his arrest, the strong takeover that Mussolini imposed on the Chamber of Deputies. Gramsci is aware that the time for the Italian Communists is not yet ripe but he fights strenuously against the fascists who are grabbing all power in an authoritarian way. Even after being arrested and forced into jail with a 20-year sentence, Gramsci continues his work. The prison production will later be collected in the Prison Notebooks, the author's best known work. Even if this essay sees the light after the death of its author, the comrades of the party do not abandon the struggle that Gramsci had at heart. Don Luigi Sturzo is one of the first intellectuals to call the fascist state totalitarian, his struggle for the people, with the creation of rural funds and mutual aid for the weakest, made the popular party gain a lot of popularity, but Sturzo like Gramsci and all other politicians fight their battles legally, while fascism is an organization that bases its power on violence and illegality. The priest's complaints against Mussolini did not help much but earned him the expulsion from the office of party head and then minister in the Chamber, at the behest of the Vatican, which has already supported fascism. From his exile Sturzo wrote Italy and Fascism, the work enjoyed great success at European level and was translated into several languages. Sturzo's essay is a denunciation of what happened in Italy, the analysis of how fascism took on so much power, becoming the first prototype of a totalitarian state and the similarity that this regime has with the URSS. For its part, the National Fascist Party, once it has imposed power and eliminated the opposition, moves away from the term totalitarian. At the beginning of his political career Mussolini had taken on the term totalitarian with great pride to describe himself, but in the 1940s he distanced himself from this label, resizing it. The history and fascist actions can be read in the Political Dictionary drawn up by the party and wanted by Mussolini himself. .
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Sloan Foundation ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Belgian Federal Science Policy Office ; Fonds pour la Formation a la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA-Belgium) ; Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT-Belgium) ; Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of Czech Republic ; Council of Science and Industrial Research, India ; HOMING PLUS program of Foundation for Polish Science ; European Union, Regional Development Fund ; Mobility Plus program of Ministry of Science and Higher Education ; OPUS program ; Sonata-bis of National Science Center (Poland) ; Thalis program ; Aristeia program ; EU-ESF ; Greek NSRF ; National Priorities Research Program by Qatar National Research Fund ; Programa Clarin-COFUND del Principado de Asturias ; Rachadapisek Sompot Fund ; Chulalongkorn University ; Chulalongkorn Academic into 2nd Century Project Advancement Project (Thailand) ; Welch Foundation ; Austrian Science Fund ; Ministry of Science and Technology ; National Natural Science Foundation of China ; Croatian Science Foundation ; Science and Technology Facilities Council ; Ministry of Education and Research, Estonian Research Council: IUT23-4 ; Ministry of Education and Research, Estonian Research Council: IUT23-6 ; OPUS program: 2014/13/B/ST2/02543 ; Sonata-bis of National Science Center (Poland): DEC-2012/07/E/ST2/01406 ; Welch Foundation: C-1845 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/K001639/1 CMS Upgrades ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/K003224/1 CMS Upgrades ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/I000305/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/H000925/2 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/I003622/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: PP/E000479/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: GRIDPP ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/K001531/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/L005603/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/J004871/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/I003622/1 GRIDPP ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/M004775/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/J005479/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/K003542/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: PP/E002803/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/N001273/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: CMS ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/N000242/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/K001639/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/K001256/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/N000250/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/H000925/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/M004775/1 GRIDPP ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/K003542/1 GRID PP ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/M002020/1 ; Science and Technology Facilities Council: ST/K003542/1 GRIDPP ; Results are presented from searches for R-parity-violating supersymmetry in events produced in pp collisions at root s = 8 TeV at the LHC. Final states with 0, 1, 2, or multiple leptons are considered independently. The analysis is performed on data collected by the CMS experiment corresponding to an integrated luminosity of 19.5 fb(-1). No excesses of events above the standard model expectations are observed, and 95% confidence level limits are set on supersymmetric particle masses and production cross sections. The results are interpreted in models featuring R-parity-violating decays of the lightest supersymmetric particle, which in the studied scenarios can be either the gluino, a bottom squark, or a neutralino. In a gluino pair production model with baryon number violation, gluinos with a mass less than 0.98 and 1.03 TeV are excluded, by analyses in a fully hadronic and one-lepton final state, respectively. An analysis in a dilepton final state is used to exclude bottom squarks with masses less than 307 GeV in a model considering bottom squark pair production. Multilepton final states are considered in the context of either strong or electroweak production of superpartners and are used to set limits on the masses of the lightest supersymmetric particles. These limits range from 300 to 900 GeV in models with leptonic and up to approximately 700 GeV in models with semileptonic R-parity-violating couplings.
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