Suchergebnisse

Argues that the new culture of markets emerging in Southeast Asia, which hails free-market benevolence, currently serves as a motivating metanarrative, drawing on an analysis of government development policies of Malaysia, Vietnam, & Indonesia & the growth of new-middle-class & corresponding lifestyles in these countries. The development policy of Malaysia is described as market corporatist in contrast to the market socialism of Vietnam & the high-technology developmentalism of Indonesia. However, underlying all three development policies is the romanticism of productivity characteristic of the culture of markets. The rise of new middle classes in these countries is discussed in terms of the decline of real & creation of virtual markets in a generalized state of postmodernity. It is contended that the move to virtual markets & postmodern lifestyles ought to be understood as the beginning of modernity in Southeast Asia rather than its end. 1 Table, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines some of the proposals in the Government Green Paper A Future Qualifications Policy for New Zealand. An analysis of responses to the Green Paper indicates a strong division between those closely associated with industry training and those responsible for the provision of general and professional education. The position taken in this article is that the Green Paper is a major advance on the current National Qualifications Framework (NQF), but that the proposals are unlikely to be implemented successfully without greater mutual understanding between the different sectors (industry, schools, universities and other tertiary providers). The paper identifies 17 considerations that a new qualifications structure should address if it is to be implemented successfully. Of the models suggested in publicly available responses to the Green Paper, the one proposed by Smithers (1997) comes closest to addressing the concerns raised in this article.

Uncovers the facts and fallacies of the Japanese distribution channel and presents proactive distribution strategies with their managerial benefits, for the successful penetration of the Japanese market. Frustrated US policy makers and business representatives have been crying "foul" for years over the difficulties in penetrating the Japanese market. They believe that a web of formal and informal Japanese trade barriers prevent US companies from getting a fair chance to sell their products in Japan. The Japanese distribution channel is often symbolic of such barriers. In general, it is characterized as closed and complex with multiple layers of middlemen leading to a large number of small‐scale "mom‐and‐pop" retail stores. Due to its non‐conventional structure, the Japanese distribution channel often has been misunderstood by many Westerners and subsequently such misunderstanding has led to unnecessary trade disputes with the Japanese government.

Locke's theory of property in the Two Treatises of Government is shaped by his deep involvement in the development of colonial policy, as secretary to both the Lord Proprietors of Carolina and the Council of Trade and Plantations. This article will demonstrate the extent to which chapter five of the Second Treatise mirrors the arguments made both by the ethical and economic defenders of the English plantation. By calling America vacant, by beginning property in land through enclosure and cultivation and limiting it to that which does not spoil, and by introducing money and international commerce as the means by which the spoilage proviso can be transcended, Locke incorporates both an ethical justification for taking Indian occupied land and economic reasons for favouring settled agrarian based colonies. Thus, embedded within Locke's theory of property is a vigorous economic and ethical defence of England's colonial activities in the new world.

This article seeks to examine evidence of the existence and growth of anti-party sentiment in the UK. While it is clear that the available data cannot unambiguously confirm these phenomena, at least a "prima facie" case can be made on the basis of such evidence. Regression analysis suggests that while erosion of the class cleavage in the country is associated with the loosening of partisan commitments, the shortcomings of party governments in the area of economic policy management might contribute significantly to a sense of popular alienation from the major parties. Notwithstanding this, anti-party sentiment is perhaps not as high as might be expected in a country where perceptions of national economic decline have been widespread. Political culture and the electoral system are very real constraints that do much to account for this. (European Journal of Political Research / FUB)

Domestic policy inadequacies have been targeted by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as the main reason for poor economic performance in sub-Saharan Africa generally.1 The structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) sponsored by these international financial institutions (IFIs) over the past decade have sought to rectify such policies. But many countries following their advice have continued to experience economic decline, albeit according to the World Bank, as a result primarily of their failure to properly implement the recommended reforms. It was argued in the late 1980s and early 1990S that governments pursuing strong adjustment programmes, even in the face of inhospitable world economic conditions, still outperformed weak reformers.2 This analysis does not hold with the same weight for all African countries. In the case of Guinea, external factors have been equally important in explaining its economic record under adjustment.

Examines in depth the practical realities and difficulties of initiating and sustaining a major tourism development project which is intended to further economic regeneration and job‐creation and is funded in partnership with the European Union. The financial framework of the scheme, the "Hotties" in St Helens (Merseyside), is provided by the European Structural Funds including the RECHAR Initiative. The contribution of the European Regional Development Fund and the European Social Fund are also evaluated. In addition the purportedly complementary role of central government is addressed, through the Urban Programme and City Challenge schemes. Two fundamental issues emerge as crucially governing outcomes: the precise structure and nature of the complex public/private partnerships involved; and vexed problem of "additionality", which remains an unresolved matter. Clearly demonstrates the urgent need for far greater integration and co‐ordination of public policy and the rationalization of the application and implementation procedures.

Historically, Hawaii has assessed foreign developers high impact fees either as a means to raise capital for affordable housing or as a means to regulate foreign investment. In 1992, Hawaii enacted House Bill 3787, an impact fee statute, to promote uniformity in Hawaii's assessments of impact fees. Although Hawaii's statute provides uniformity for most developers, it still permits local governments to assess foreign developers disproportionately higher impact fees. This Comment examines how a foreign developer might challenge either Hawaii's impact fee statute or an individual impact fee assessment as violating his or her constitutional rights under the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause. This Comment further argues that assessing foreign developers high impact fees either as a means to pay for affordable housing or as a means to regulate foreign investment is a bad policy choice in light of Hawaii's general need for investment

In this paper we model delayed stabilizations as the rational outcome of a distributional conflict between two risk averse groups in the presence of post‐stabilization payoff uncertainty and costly policy reversion. We show that in the initial stages of an extreme inflation episode there is a bias towards maintaining the current inefficient (but certain) revenue collection system which prevents the adoption of the required fiscal adjustment program. The access by those with higher income to a financial adaptation technology increases the average rate of inflation through time for any given government deficit, raising the welfare costs of not reaching an agreement and increasingly redistributing the burden of inflation to those with lower income. This process, if strong enough, will eventually trigger the necessary political support for the required fiscal adjustment. Delayed stabilizations will, nevertheless, induce the poor into accepting conditions that they did not find optimal before.

The concept is concerned with economic inefficiency and stagnation contrived by government intervention into the economic process. The prospect of profiting from political intervention encourages rational actors to shift their efforts from productive activities to political manipulation, inducing a substantial reduction in aggregate levels of social welfare. This leads to the conclusion that the restoration of society's productive capacities requires wresting the economy from the clutches of the state occupied by special interests. The author criticizes this analysis on account of an inadequate political theory based on the framework of neoclassical economics. Moreover, the notion that »depoliticization of the economy« could provide asolution to the problem of »rent-seeking« is shown tobe inconsistent and sociologically naive. An adequate analysis of the problems related to »rent-seeking« should to take the specific selectivity of political institutions, which favours specific interests and policy issues, as its starting point.

Since the mid 1980s, the black and gray arms markets have emerged as major forces in the arms trade. Though they are much smaller than the orthodox trade, covert transfers are of great importance, providing the weapons most likely to actually be used in conflict. The totally illegal black market arises in reaction to embargoes. It is antipolicy, the mirror image of official intentions. The state-sponsored gray market, although it receives less attention, is much larger and more destabilizing. The gray market represents policy in flux as governments experiment with new and risky diplomatic relationships. There is much that can be done to bring the covert arms trade under control, especially through more aggressive law enforcement and radical extension of the United Nations Arms Register. Only collective security mechanisms, though, offer any hope of eradicating the covert arms trade.

"As the number of institutional investors increased, some prophets said that these investors, moved by their stakes and informed by their expertise, would begin to play in earnest the supervisory roles of the legendary stockholder. But through the 1960's [equally true through the 1990's] the record showed little to bear out the prophecies. The size of their assets commanded respect when institutional investors sought information; by their probing they introduced some fresh surveillance into corporate affairs. Nonetheless, the institutional investors generally behaved as individuals did; like individuals, they expressed dissatisfaction with the government of a corporation by selling out rather than by voting their shares for new men or different decisions. On rare occasions institutional investors cast their weight for a change in top management; rarer was evidence of their influence brought to bear on particular issues of corporation policy."