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This paper applies theories of international socialization to examine the impact of European Union contact on the professional socialization of public officials in Central and Eastern Europe. Based on a survey of officials in seven new member states, the paper finds that daily work on European Union issues is associated with favourable attitudes towards merit-based civil service governance. The distinction between types of European Union contact shows that officials dealing with 'reception'-related European Union activities such as the transposition and implementation of European Union policies develop more meritocratic attitudes. By contrast, 'projection'-related activities that involve personal contact with European Union officials have no effect. The paper concludes that the small but consistent impact of European Union contact on professional socialization promotes the silent professionalization of public administration in Central and Eastern Europe.

Differentiation has become a durable feature of European integration but we know little about its effects on citizens. Does differentiated integration improve the democratic quality of the European Union and strengthen citizens' support – or does it promote political divides and foster citizens' alienation from European integration? This article develops a theoretical argument on the positive attitudinal effects of differentiated integration, contending that differentiation accommodates heterogeneous preferences in a diverse EU and strengthens citizens' ownership of European integration. A quasi-experimental analysis of public opinion of the 2015 Danish Justice and Home Affairs opt-out referendum demonstrates that the public vote increased citizens' EU efficacy, indeed. Eurosceptic voters in particular strengthen their belief that their individual voice counts in EU politics, suggesting that differentiation can have a positive effect on the perceived democratic quality of the EU.

Violence, during war time of through large-scale repression, leaves societies scarred. How did European Union (EU) accession influence political dealing with the past in Bulgaria and Serbia (2000-2012)? Both countries experienced repressive socialism. Serbia additionally has a war past. The EU, it appears, was not consistent in addressing historical violence, especially repressive socialism. Nevertheless, Bulgarian and Serbian political parties – from left to right – claimed that EU accession required to either confront or forget their violent past(s). Some parties demanded justice to become a worthy EU member state; others made the exact opposite argument and propagated forgiveness in light of the European future. It is actually not that strange to connect the European future and violent history. The EU's story of who we are today is rooted in how we interpret history. Specifically, it stems from our supposed triumph over fascism ánd (a recent addition to the story) over communism. The 2012 Nobel Peace Prize confirmed this identity. But Brussels has little control over the use of these stories. Nor could the EU fully control how parties would interpret its inconsistent policy. Sometimes, (imagined) demands of EU accession indeed helped achieving arrests of Serb war criminals – ending up in The Hague. EU accession was also essential in opening the archives of the Bulgarian socialist secret services. However, this dissertation warns that right-wing Bulgarian and Serbian political parties have used and still use EU accession to kick-start nationalist historical revision.

"This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the role of the EU in international security through five detailed case studies and in doing so fills a distinct gap in the scholarship on European security and policy-making. Significantly, it offers a broadened conceptualization of the EU as an international security actor, including JHA policy. Furthermore, case studies which explore, amongst other things, EU responses to piracy off the coast of Somalia, climate change and terrorism offers a fresh insight into EU policy on contemporary security challenges. As such, this book constitutes an important and original input in the debate on European security after the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty and is a must-read for students and scholars of EU Politics, Security Studies and International Relations"--

Previous studies predicted European Union attitudes using anti-immigrant attitudes, but without explicitly accounting for attitudes toward different out-groups. We propose that group-specific attitudes independently predict attitudes toward the European Union, but only when the out-group is linked to the European Union issue in question. We additionally argue that realistic or symbolic threat associated with specific out-groups determines whether utilitarian or identity considerations are more important in predicting European Union attitudes. Using a nationally representative Dutch sample ( N = 2347), we focus on attitudes toward Polish and Muslim immigrants to predict strengthening of European Union integration and Turkey's potential accession and find support for our hypotheses. The findings indicate the need to rethink the relationship between out-group perceptions and European Union attitudes.

The 'High Representative' speaks on behalf of the European Union in international organizations since 2010. The motivation for this reform has been to strengthen the European Union's foreign policy representation. It can be expected that this empowerment of the High Representative has affected the content of official European Union speeches held at the United Nations. Did the reform lead to a more coherent and cohesive representation of European Union foreign policy at the United Nations? To answer this question, I analyze the content of all speeches held on behalf of the European Union in the United Nations General Assembly between 1993 and 2021. I find that European Union foreign policy priorities are more coherently and cohesively represented since the Lisbon reforms took effect. I argue that the empowerment of the 'High Representatives' and their diplomats caused this effect. Today, European Union representatives are less likely to follow global trends but set their own thematic priorities by focusing on the areas of disarmament, sustainable development, and international law.

AbstractThis article provides an overview of cases decided by the Court of Justice of the European Union concerning contract law. The present issue covers the period between July 2017 and the beginning of January 2018.

Although member states are obliged to transpose directives into domestic law in a conformable manner and receive considerable time for their transposition activities, we identify three levels of transposition outcomes for EU directives: conformable, partially conformable and non-conformable. Compared with existing transposition models, which do not distinguish between different transposition outcomes, we examine the factors influencing each transposition process by means of a competing risk analysis. We find that preference-related factors, in particular the disagreement of a member state and the Commission regarding a directive's outcome, play a much more strategic role than has to date acknowledged in the transposition literature. Whereas disagreement of a member state delays conformable transposition, it speeds up non-conformable transposition. Disagreement of the Commission only prolongs the transposition process. We therefore conclude that a stronger focus on an effective sanctioning mechanism is warranted for safeguarding compliance with directives. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

The first section of this article is a discussion by Checkel, which analyzes questions regarding EU integration via a constructivist approach. In the second section, Moravcsik refers to the criticism regarding constructivist ideas & the EU, particularly noting Checkel's work on the topic. The third section is a response by Checkel to the various criticisms he has received on his constructivist ideas. 1 Table, 71 References. E. Miller

Enthält Rezensionen u.a. von: Westminster and Europe: the impact of the European Union on the Westminster Parliament. / P. Giddings ... (eds.). - Macmillan, 1996. - 366 S

European Union research has made great strides in understanding the dynamics of the European Union decision-making process. In contrast to this progress, the dynamics unfolding after the enactment of a European Union secondary legislative act has largely been ignored. Some of these acts remain in force in their original form for several years while others are revised soon after their enactment. What factors account for this variation? We empirically analyze the proposition that in the presence of 'legislative drift,' i.e. the intertemporal variation of decision-makers' preferences, major revisions of European Union legislative acts are more likely to occur. Based on an analysis of the revision histories of 158 major European Union acts in the time period between 1958 and 2003, we find significant support for this hypothesis.

Abstract
This article provides an overview of cases decided by the Court of Justice of the European Union concerning contract law. The present issue covers the period between the beginning of January 2021 and the end of May 2021.