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Purpose. The article is aimed to figure out the features of Husserl's reception of anthropological Descartes rationalism. Its implementation requires a consistent solution of the following tasks: 1) schematically express a modern vision of the basic intentions of philosophizing as an anthropological rationalism; 2) highlight the main points of the Husserl's reception of Descartes' rationalism as the deanthropologizing and analyze radicalization of its basic design as the reanthropologizing. Conclusions. When clarifying the question of the method of reception and completion of the philosophical Descartes' project in the doctrine of Edmund Husserl, the author finds that the originality of his reception of anthropological Descartes' rationalism appears as the paradoxical union of denying the existence of anthropology in the base project and the rediscovery of its key role in the radicalization of Descartes. Thinking of its way, he comes to the rediscovery some of the key ideas of the French philosopher, rooted in his anthropological rationalism. Among them is the basic intention of the ambivalence, the rejection of Descartes' ideas of panrationalism, recognition irreducibility of philosophical method to the mathematical, constitutive of human presence in the new rationalism. Prospects for further research in understanding the author sees a meaningful relationship and continuity of the two great thinkers - namely, the personal nature of philosophizing and the ethical focus of their searching. Originality. Appeal to the reception of Husserl's Cartesian project confirms the thesis of an essential importance for the basic anthropological project of Descartes. The presented version of Husserl reception base project Descartes is a reproduction of the surface age stereotypes, which link the quest of the philosopher with the natural sciences and neglected anthropological measurements. The proposed version of the radicalization of Descartes' project is largely rediscovery of the key importance of anthropological measurements in the quest for the founder of rationalism. Although Husserl himself afraid of phenomenology transformation into anthropology, significant trends anthropologization rationalism for his pursuit is certain.

Radicalisering in gevangenissen staat hoog op de publieke en politieke agenda in Europa. Verschillende landen, waaronder Nederland, proberen radicalisering en rekrutering onder gedetineerden tegen te gaan door terreurverdachten af te zonderen van de reguliere gevangenen en hen onder te brengen in aparte terroristenafdelingen. Het is echter onduidelijk waarop dergelijk beleid is gestoeld. Deze studie is een evaluatie van gevangenisbeleid voor terreurverdachten, gebaseerd op uitgebreid onderzoek onder beleidsmakers, gevangenispersoneel, en gedetineerden in Nederland. De resultaten laten zien dat er weinig bewijs is dat het bij elkaar plaatsen van extremisten helpt om radicalisering onder gedetineerden te bestrijden. Dergelijk beleid lijkt eerder een onder tijdsdruk tot stand gekomen reactie op maatschappelijke vrees voor terrorisme te zijn dan het resultaat van zorgvuldige overwegingen en analyses. Het is volstrekt onduidelijk of het risico op radicalisering onder gedetineerden inderdaad bestaat. Bovendien is het aannemelijk dat terroristenafdelingen negatieve bijwerkingen veroorzaken en uiteindelijk contraproductief zijn. ; The possible threat of radicalization among prison inmates has received widespread political and public attention in Europe. Several countries, including the Netherlands, seek to prevent prisoner radicalization by detaining violent extremist offenders together in segregated high-security facilities. However, it is unclear whether or not such policies are based on sound rationale. This study aims to conduct an in-depth evaluation of terrorism detention policy, based on extensive research among policy makers, prison staff, and prisoners in the Netherlands. The findings suggest that that there is little evidence that concentrating terrorists is an adequate strategy to combat violent extremism among prisoners. Such policies often seem to be rooted in fear, threat, and time-pressure, rather than in realistic assessments. It is wholly unclear whether the risk of prisoner radicalization actually exists. Also, there is a credible possibility that detaining violent extremists together produces undesired or even counterproductive outcomes.

In Nigeria, the Islamic terrorism of Boko Haram raises a lot of questions about the political relationship betweenso-called "religious" violence and the state. At least three of them expose our confusions about islamization,conversion, radicalization and the politicization of religion, namely:– Is it a religious uprising or a political contest for power?– How does it express a social revolt?– How indicative is it of a radicalization of the patterns of protest of the Muslims in Northern Nigeria?A fieldwork study shows that Boko Haram is not so much political because it wants to reform the society, butmainly because it reveals the intrigues of a weak government and the fears of a nation in the making. Otherwise,the radicalization of Islam cannot be limited to terrorism and it is difficult to know if the movement is moreextremist, fanatic and murderous than previous uprising like the one of Maitatsine in Kano in 1980. The capacityof Boko Haram to develop international connections and to challenge the state is not exceptional as such. Farfrom the clichés on a clash of civilizations between the North and the South, the specificity of the sect in Nigeriahas more to do with its suicide attacks. Yet the terrorist evolution of Boko Haram was first and foremost causedby the brutality of the state repression, more than alleged contacts with an international jihadist movement. ; Au Nigeria, la dérive terroriste du mouvement islamiste Boko Haram interroge le rapport de la violence dite « religieuse » à l'État. Cette étude de terrain pose ainsi trois questions fondamentales qui tournent toutes autour de nos propres confusions sur les notions d'islamisation, de conversion, de radicalisation et de politisation du religieux, à savoir :– S'agit-il d'une insurrection plus religieuse que politique ?– En quoi exprime-t-elle une révolte sociale ?– En quoi signale-t-elle une radicalisation des formes de protestation des musulmans du Nord Nigeria ?À l'analyse, il s'avère en l'occurrence que le mouvement Boko Haram est un révélateur du ...

In current counter-terrorism efforts, the potential of civil society organizations is recognized by international actors for countering radical narratives and implementing prevention activities in non-Western countries. Civil society-led interventions, it is assumed, constitute a more sustainable as well as locally acceptable approach to reduce the threat of radicalization. In line with this, international actors including EU, UN and EU key-member states have lately incorporated this strategy in Tunisia, which since the fall of the Ben Ali regime in 2011 has experienced an increase in jihadist activities challenging the democratic consolidation of the country. In response to growing donor interest, the bulk of civil society organizations in Tunisia have recently started to develop policies and programs to counter violent extremism and radicalization. However, the lack of comprehensive empirical research on civil society engagement in counter- as well as de-radicalization complicates the assessment of scope and impact of these initiatives on local communities in Tunisia. To encounter this lacuna, this paper focuses on the experiences, subjective perception and practices of activists working on the ground in an arising Tunisian Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) landscape. (Critical) peacebuilding and development literature on civil society is introduced to investigate the interplay of international and local actors in the context of CVE interventions. 25 in-depth narrative interviews with local activists and international experts involved in developing CVE initiatives in Tunisia root this paper in rich empirical data that was analyzed by applying a Grounded Theory methodology. Due to the high dependency of civil society actors on external funding, international actors exert a strong influence on how preventative activities are designed and implemented and which local actors are involved. This paper further shows that this dependency does not just result in agenda adaptation, but rather that local actors, to some extent, can resist to the imposed donor agenda or strategically use the increased donor attention for their own purpose.

"This book presents a study of politico-ideological mobilisation and violence by focusing on the life stories, trajectories and narratives of individuals who mobilised for causes and conflicts in the Arab World. It provides a greater understanding of the biographical, sociological, political and historic factors pertinent for their radicalisation processes. What makes individuals identify with suffering and injustice, often of others and elsewhere? Why do individuals feel the need to stand up in the first place and how does violent action become a justifiable or necessary course of action? Why and how do they disengage from violence? This book, based on interviews conducted in Lebanon, Switzerland, and Canada, answers these questions. It presents new theoretical insights about politico-ideological mobilisation and violence. By focusing on grievances and grounding analysis in the empirical reality as it is shared and narratively constructed by those who are at the heart of the phenomenon, it moves beyond the moralistic and politicised debates that characterise the field. Interviewees include non-violent and violent engagement for causes and conflicts related to the Arab World, such as sympathisers or members of groups and causes from a variety of ideological orientations, including Shiite militias, Salafi-jihadist groups, radical left-wing groups, Palestine-specific, Kurdish groups, and others such as right-wing or unspecified affiliations. By choosing individuals with different forms of political engagement, both non-violent and violent, and different ideological orientations, it helps readers to get a better grasp of how similar grievances may lead to different outcomes. In focusing on three markedly different geopolitical contexts, the book also provides a crosscontextual understanding of mobilisation for political and violent action. The interviewees also include experts and peripheral actors such as professionals, researchers, policymakers, friends, or family members. Their perspectives complement and enrich some of the findings by providing external yet in-depth 'expert knowledge'. Politico-ideological Mobilisation and Violence in the Arab World will be of great interest to criminologists, political scientists, sociologists, and other scholars interested in the study of terrorism, radicalisation and extremism. It will also appeal to journalists, policymakers, practitioners working in the field"--

In Anbetracht dramatischer Fälle terroristisch motivierter Taten stellt sich die Frage nach deren Ursachen. In einer großen Anzahl von Fällen spielen Prozesse der Radikalisierung eine tragende Rolle. Diese sind Kern des vorliegenden Kapitels. Zunächst werden die verwandten Begriffe Radikalismus, Extremismus und Terrorismus definiert und vom Phänomen der Radikalisierung abgegrenzt. Im Anschluss werden Ursachen der Radikalisierung erörtert. Im Zentrum stehen dabei einerseits einzelne Faktoren, die gemäß aktueller Forschung zu Radikalisierung beitragen können. Darunter fallen Person- und Situationsfaktoren, wie Autoritarismus oder soziale Ausgrenzung sowie individuelle und Gruppenprozesse, wie das Bedürfnis nach Signifikanz oder Phänomene von Gruppenpolarisierung. Andererseits werden etablierte Modelle der Radikalisierung wie das theoriebasierte Treppenmodell und das empirisch untermauerte Radikalisierungspuzzle vorgestellt. Das Kapitel schließt mit einem Ausblick für weitere Forschung und skizziert Impulse für die Praxis und Politik.

Since 2001 and 7/7 the search to find out why and how Muslims born in Europe join political and violence orientated Islamist groups has occupied policy makers and social scientist. The search has produced explanations that suggest social grievance, Islam and physiological problems are the motivations for why some Muslims join and act on behalf of Islamist groups in the UK. However, the approaches tend not to focus the role emotions generated from events that involve Muslim suffering play in some individuals becoming interested in acquiring and acting upon them. These events are often experienced variously by Muslims living in Europe through the media and are used by Islamist groups as resources to recruit. Consequently, this paper is based on interviews carried out with Islamists in the UK and tentatively discusses two process that take into account the emotional effect of events that concern Muslims in order to make sense of how some Muslims become compelled to acquire extreme ideas, act upon extreme ideas (independently or behalf of a group) or join Islamist groups.

The book offers an examination of issues, institutions and actors that have become central to Muslim life in the region. Focusing on leadership, authority, law, gender, media, aesthetics, radicalization and cooperation, it offers insights into processes that reshape power structures and the experience of being Muslim. It makes room for perspectives from the region in an academic world shaped by scholarship mostly from Europe and America.

The Political Economy of Industrial Restructuring in Russia -- Russia's Labor Market and the Fear of Social Explosion -- Low Wages, Low Productivity and Economic Stagnation -- Monotowns and Post-Soviet Urban Geography -- Labor Relations and Protest in Russia's Hybrid Regime -- Downsizing in "Russia's Detroit" -- Who's Afraid of the Workers? -- Russia's Truckers and the Road to Radicalization -- How Different Is Russia? The Comparative Context -- Conclusion : Overcoming Russia's Labor Dilemmas.

Introduction -- Definitions and Background -- Theoretical Perspectives -- Female Terrorism in Left-Wing American Organizations -- Female Puerto Rican Terrorism in America -- Female Terrorism in Right-Wing American Organizations -- Roles in Female Terrorism: From Leadership to More Passive Positions -- Radicalization to Terrorism -- Depictions in the Media -- Motivations for Joining Terrorist Organizations -- Muslim Female Terrorists in America -- The Influence of Social Media -- The Inflammatory Rhetoric of Female Terrorists -- Conclusions, Implications, and Solutions.

Intro -- Was Sie in diesem essential finden können -- Inhaltsverzeichnis -- Abbildungsverzeichnis -- Tabellenverzeichnis -- 1 Einleitung -- 2 Begriffe und Methoden -- 3 Gängige Risikobewertungsinstrumente -- 3.1 Extremism Risk Guidance (ERG 22+) -- 3.2 Violent Extremism Risk Assessment (VERA) -- 3.3 Identifying Vulnerable People (IVP) Guidance -- 3.4 Terrorist Radicalization Assessment Protocol (TRAP-18) -- 4 Was sind Risikofaktoren? -- 5 Fallbezogene Diagnostik: strukturierter Leitfaden zur Risikoanalyse -- 5.1 Hypothese(n) und Operationalisierung -- 5.2 Interpretation der Risikokategorien -- 6 Voraussetzungen für die Fallformulierung und Einschätzung -- Was sie aus diesem essential mitnehmen können -- Literatur.

The Political Economy of Industrial Restructuring in Russia -- Russia's Labor Market and the Fear of Social Explosion -- Low Wages, Low Productivity and Economic Stagnation -- Monotowns and Post-Soviet Urban Geography -- Labor Relations and Protest in Russia's Hybrid Regime -- Downsizing in "Russia's Detroit" -- Who's Afraid of the Workers? -- Russia's Truckers and the Road to Radicalization -- How Different Is Russia? The Comparative Context -- Conclusion : Overcoming Russia's Labor Dilemmas.

Origins of the modernization narrative : nationalist historiography before 1949 -- Origins of the revolutionary narrative : Marxist historiography before 1949 -- The making of a new orthodoxy : Marxist historiography in the 1950s -- Between the past and the present : the radicalization of historiography under Mao -- Challenging the revolutionary orthodoxy : "new enlightenment" historiography in the 1980s -- From revolution to modernization : the paradigmatic transition in Reform Era historiography -- Master narratives in crisis