Suchergebnisse

The key note of the Thesis will be a study of Provincial Elections in Manitoba during the period 1870 to 1899. The major political forces will be traced in an attempt to establish correlations between these forces and election results. Race and religion were at first the predominating political forces and the basis for representation in the Legislature. The influx of immigration modified representation by "classes and interests" and necessitated a readjustment in the political philosophy of the population. This readjustment was facilitated by the introduction of Dominion party lines, which also gave impetus to the political and economic growth of the Province and reflected itself in Provincial elections.

The article focuses on multiple cases of the politicization of history by the Baltic political elites. Three states of development of politics of memory in the Baltic States are identified. Problems of political exploitation of the past are scrutinized in the context of political life and international relations. It is concluded that the narratives of the past where nazi and Soviet legacies are equated are actively promoted on the pan-European level. Elites of the Baltic States play a salient role in this process and enhance ties with the elites of the Eastern Europe, expert and political communities of the Western Europe and USA. The dominant trends in the development of the historical politics in the Baltic countries are the administrative and legislative instruments for approval of the preferred narratives of the past, as well as an active political work at the international level aimed at the inclusion of the Baltic narratives of the past into the European politics of memory. Historical politics of the Baltic States shows the Baltic countries as the victims of "two totalitarianisms" ("Nazi and Soviet occupation"), and this point of view is widely used as a foreign policy tool. The politicization of the "anti-totalitarianism" issue is now a popular foreign policy tool that not only serves the interests of the Baltic and Eastern European politicians, but also finds ideological supporters in Western Europe and the United States.

This article reads McCarthy's The Road through the prism of post-9/11 neoconservatism, and argues that readers predisposed toward neoconservative positions on the War on Terror can find their politics validated and reinforced in McCarthy's prose. ; The Writing and Society Research Centre, University of Western Sydney. Free University of Berlin.

AbstractThe SDGs are important because they set consensus norms. At face value, Goal 10 sets a strong norm on reducing inequality within and between countries. Yet this is undermined and distorted by the targets and indicators which are weak and set an agenda for inclusion rather than for reducing inequalities. This paper explains this paradox as a result of an intense contestation over the framing of the inequality agenda as inclusion, focusing on the poor and excluded, rather than on extreme inequality. The paper provides a detailed account of the negotiations and argues that the insertion of the shared prosperity measure in setting the target on vertical economic inequality (rather than distribution measures such as Gini or Palma ratio) was strategic. It concludes that the political choice over the meaning of a norm is made on what is said to be a technical basis. The technical and political considerations cannot be disentangled and greater transparency on the policy strengths and weaknesses of measurement choices is needed.

The human rights perspective and the need for impact assessment -- What's in a name? Deconstructing human rights terms and concepts -- The dialectics of building an international human rights regime -- Human rights cleavages and controversies : the discourse -- The globalization of vulnerability -- From the ashes : Argentina's return from meltdown -- Participation and accountability -- Wayfarers in a walled-up world -- Chile's long way home -- The political dimensions of diversity -- Feminism, democracy, and self-determination : the Taiwanese experience -- The naked ape in nature : master or guardian? -- China's three gorges : the dam and the damned -- From sustainable war to sustainable peace -- Against all odds : East Timor's quest for independence -- Empire as a state of war -- Terror and the war to end all rights -- Cautious mainstreaming, constructive subversion -- Conclusion : playing from strength

When countries face balance-of-payments crises, their policy responses vary widely. This article argues that the choice between the two main options of internal adjustment (i.e., austerity and structural reforms) and external adjustment (i.e., exchange-rate devaluation) depends on how costly each of these strategies is for a country overall. Although the choice of adjustment strategy is thus structurally determined, the level of political conflict associated with crisis management depends on both the national vulnerability profile and partisan interests. Moreover, irrespective of the adjustment strategy, all governments design the specific reforms in ways that shelter their own voters. Empirically, this article uses qualitative case studies and survey data to examine the significant variation in crisis responses, crisis politics, and distributive outcomes of the 2008-2010 global financial crisis in eight Eastern European countries. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the Eastern European experience for crisis politics in the Eurozone crisis.

During the Tang Dynasty, officials, who are often described as "Confucians," were involved in policies that aimed at controlling the religious congregations of Buddhism and Daoism. At the same time, pseudo-religious free-riders, the so called fangshi ("esoteric experts"), regularly appeared at the court and lured the emperor away from government business by pretending to support his search for immortality with their methods. They thereby constituted a threat to the claim of the officials to a monopoly on sharing the imperial power. Furthermore, officials saw themselves as transmitters of a "civil religion" or theology" of correct governance, which was not limited to the Confucian canon, but embraced other figures such as Laozi and the Yellow Emperor as well. My essay takes Li Deyu (787–850) as an example, who was one of the most prominent officials of the Tang Dynasty and served as chancellor during the severest religious persecution in Chinese history. I show how he drew arguments from historiographic and philosophical sources, in order to bolster his position against Daoists or fangshi and protect the civil religion. I will further show how he flexibly used rhetorical strategies to support the persecution of Buddhism on the one hand, and to justify the compatibility of Buddhism with Confucian and Daoist ethics on the other.

Intro -- Title Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Introduction -- 2014: Enter the Kippers -- 2015: Jez We Can: Labour Opt for Corbyn -- 2016: Dawn of the Neverendum -- 2017: Strong and Stable -- 2018: The Zombie Parliament Shuffles On -- 2019: May Comes to an End in June -- Afterword -- Acknowledgements -- Copyright.

Iraq has dominated headlines in contemporary times, but its controversial role in international affairs goes back much further. This book presents an understanding of one of the most persistent crises in international affairs, and the various roles the world's central peace-making forum has played in it