Suchergebnisse

Maģistra darba tēma ir "NATO dalībvalstu ieguldījums misijā Afganistānā un to realizētā alianses politika". Maģistra darba ietvaros tiek aplūkota alianses jēdziena teorētiskā būtība, tiek aplūkoti alianšu veidošanās pamatojumi, drošības dilemma alianses ietvaros un alianses unipolārā starptautiskās sistēmas ietvarā. Tiek pētīti astoņu NATO dalībvalstu drošības dokumenti, finansiālie ieguldījumi NATO, misijā Afganistānā esošo karavīru skaits. Tiek analizēts, kā drošības dokumentos paustās intereses par misiju Afganistānā atspoguļojas dalībvalstu ieguldījumā NATO. Maģistra darba ietvaros tiek mērīta dalībvalstu kaulēšanās vara, tās ietvaros tiek mērītas to intereses par misiju Afganistānā, to ieguldījumi un atkarība no alianses. ; Master thesis addresses the question of NATO member countries' contribution to mission in Afghanistan and their implemented alliance politics. The methodology is based on assessing eight NATO member countries' bargaining power within NATO. Master thesis provides a theoretical assessment and analysis of the existing literature on alliances, security dilemma within alliances. Alliances in unipolar international system have been taken into account. Empirical part focuses on eight NATO member countries' security and defence documents and actual commitments to mission in Afghanistan and NATO in general. The main result is that it is not true that member countries, which put greater focus on NATO and the collective security which it offers in their defence strategies, are not always the ones that are investing more in mission in Afghanistan. But member countries that have put the greatest interest in mission are the ones who are investing more in NATO.

Hungary and Serbia's relations with other countries are based on the "partnership of necessity" concept. Initially, these countries drew closer together in search of ways to resolve the common problem of illegal migration, but gradually they deepened their cooperation. Russia's special military operation in Ukraine gave a new impetus to the intensification of relations between Hungary and Serbia as both states were unwilling to fully share the EU's sanctions policy towards Russia. Serbia tried to maneuver while Hungary struggled to get exemptions for itself from EU sanctions regulations. Also, the Hungary-Serbia tandem built two unofficial trilateral mechanisms with Austria and Republika Srpska, which have their own claims against the EU. In their efforts to maintain partnership with Russia and Turkey, Budapest and Belgrade are driven by the desire to minimize energy, trade, and economic risks for themselves and sustain a flexible centrist foreign policy course.

The motif of secret, crypto-Judaism has a history that reaches further back into the theological tradition. It no doubt structurally arises from or closely related to the epistemo-political challenges posed by the unworldliness and absolutely inner being of faith, which in the political or inter-subjective dimension immediately raises the question of evidence. The question of evidence, i.e., for the invisible faith, becomes acute in the case of conversion, where the basic premise is the initial absence of faith. Paradoxically, conversion is consequently the establishment of the convert&rsquo ; s fundamental faithlessness, of her originally non-Christian element, which the convert, in the very same act of conversion, claims no longer exists. It is easy to see the conceptual constellation that would present the convert as structural deception. At the Iberian threshold of modernity, in the face of mass Jewish conversion and assimilation, this paradox appeared in the image of the &ldquo ; new Christians&rdquo ; the marranos, structurally suspected to be crypto-Jews, to the effect that the ultimate evidence of faith was a certificate of limpieza de sangre, &ldquo ; purity of blood&rdquo ; . This paper will follow the historian Yosef HayimYerushalmi in tracing the conceptual link between the Inquisition&rsquo ; s notion of crypto-Jews and the racialized figure of the Jew in modern anti-Semitism.

Over the long centuries and nowadays the historical concept and political status of Jerusalem remain the most acute problem of relations between the peoples and states of the Middle East, Arabs and Jews, Israel and the Arab Palestinian state. The poignancy of the problem, the arguments of the opposing sides, are mainly rooted in conflicting interpretations of the history of Jerusalem and its holy places. The article presents a view of the history of Jerusalem as a process that began before the formation of the historical consciousness of the Arabs and Jews but used to continuously influence its shaping during the struggle for the city between powerful political forces standing behind the claims of various congregations. The article examines the written evidence of the shrines of Jerusalem that existed before the construction of the First Temple; selected archaeological data are used for additional verification of written sources. Recent proposals for a solution to the political status of Jerusalem are placed in the context of ideas about its cultural and historical significance. Particular attention is paid to the importance of Jerusalem in the history of the formation of religious doctrine and ritualism in Islam; a distinctive opinion is substantiated by the author concerning the reasons of the initial orientation of the Muslim prayer ritual towards Jerusalem; the existence of perceptions of the shrines of Jerusalem as sacred objects, recognized in the religious and ritual traditions of the Semitic peoples – the ancestors of Jews and Arabs – is established. On the ground of research findings the inseparability of history, culture, spatial limits and political status of the city of Jerusalem as an organic whole and a system is argued, the breach of the balance of which is claimed to inevitably destroy the integrity of the characteristics of Jerusalem in the history of the region, various peoples and all of humanity. The search for a solution to the Jerusalem problem is seen as interaction and the development of a model that recognizes and balances three factors of influence: 1) ideas about the importance of Jerusalem in the national historical narrative of Arabs and Jews; 2) the concept that asserted the consideration of the beginning of the cultural history of Jerusalem as a common Middle Eastern religious centre; and 3) the range of various political solutions proposed for the settlement of the problems of disputed territories in international relations with the assumption of the feasibility of fundamentally new models of solution. ; Трактовка исторического прошлого и политический статус Иерусалима на протяжении столетий и в наши дни остаются острейшей проблемой отношений между народами и государствами Ближнего Востока, арабами и евреями, Израилем и Палестинским государством. Острота проблемы, аргументы противоборствующих сторон главным образом коренятся в конфликтующих трактовках истории Иерусалима и его святынь. Статья представляет взгляд на историю Иерусалима как на процесс, начавшийся еще до начала складывания исторического сознания евреев и арабов. В ходе борьбы за обладание городом между различными политическими силами, стоявшими за религиозным спором об идентичности Иерусалима, и формировалось это сознание. Статья исследует письменные свидетельства о святынях Иерусалима, существовавших до строительства Первого храма, для дополнительной верификации привлекаются некоторые археологические данные. Последние предложения о решении политического статуса Иерусалима помещаются в контекст представлений о его культурно-историческом значении. Особое внимание уделяется значению Иерусалима в истории формирования религиозной доктрины и ритуальности в исламе; обосновывается авторское мнение о причинах изначальной ориентации мусульманского молитвенного ритуала на Иерусалим; устанавливается существование представлений о святынях Иерусалима как сакральных объектах, признававшихся и присутствовавших в религиозно-ритуальных традициях семитских народов – предков евреев и арабов. На основе полученных результатов аргументируется неразрывность истории, культуры, пространственных пределов и политического статуса города как органического целого и системы, нарушение баланса которой неминуемо разрушает целостность характеристики Иерусалима в истории региона, отдельных народов и всего человечества. Поиск решения проблемы Иерусалима рассматривается как взаимодействие и разработка модели, признающей и устанавливающей баланс трех факторов влияния: 1) представлений о значении Иерусалима в национальном историческом нарративе арабов и евреев; 2) аргументированной и предложенной к рассмотрению концепции начала культурной истории Иерусалима как общего ближневосточного религиозного центра и 3) спектра различных политических решений, предлагавшихся для урегулирования проблем спорных территорий в международных отношениях с допущением принципиально новых моделей решения.

Global trade governance is increasingly characterized by a growing fragility in multilateral institutions and a preference for bilateral negotiations. The literature on such negotiations focuses primarily on successful agreements. Academic research on unsuccessful or stalled bilateral talks is limited, although better understanding of such outcomes may provide lessons for future negotiations. This article contributes to such understanding by proposing a revised open economy politics (OEP) framework, adapted to 'second generation' OEP analysis. Our framework highlights the multidirectional linkages between the trinity of interests, institutions and international interactions within trade negotiations, while adding the role of power and ideas to the analysis. We leverage our revised framework to explore why the European Union–India Free Trade Agreement (EUIFTA) negotiations stalled, thus providing insights as negotiators seek to revive them. Drawing on 45 semi-structured interviews conducted over a seven-year period in the EU and India, we examine what impact these different factors had on the progress of talks. Our results suggest that our revised OEP approach provides a multi-layered and integrated framework which enables us to better understand negotiating outcomes. Furthermore, our findings suggest that the shifting balance between emerging economies and developed economies as a result of the geopolitical (power) shifts and ideational change will affect future trade negotiations.

Global trade governance is increasingly characterised by a growing fragility in multilateral institutions and a preference for bilateral negotiations. The literature on such negotiations focuses primarily on successful agreements. Academic research on unsuccessful or stalled bilateral talks is limited, although better understanding of such outcomes may provide lessons for future negotiations. This paper contributes to such understanding by proposing a revised open economy politics (OEP) framework, adapted to 'second generation' OEP analysis. Our framework highlights the multidirectional linkages between the trinity of interests, institutions and international interactions within trade negotiations, while adding the role of power and ideas to the analysis. We leverage our revised framework to explore why the European Union-India Free Trade Agreement (EUIFTA) negotiations stalled, thus providing insights as negotiators seek to revive them. Drawing on 45 semi-structured interviews conducted over a seven-year period in the EU and India, we examine how these different factors impacted on the progress of talks. Our results suggest that our revised OEP approach provides a multi-layered and integrated framework which enables us to better understand negotiating outcomes. Furthermore, our findings suggest that the shifting balance between emerging economies and developed economies as a result of the geopolitical (power) shifts and ideational change will impact on future trade negotiations.

The traditional historiography of early modern state-building has usually followed the western European paradigm of historiography, the usual models being France, England, Brandenburg-Prussia and Sweden. Regions that do not follow this paradigm have simply been left out and labeled "backward" or as "lagging behind". In this literary review, our focus is on two different and rather surprising cases of early modern state formation: the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Spanish colonial empire in Latin America. By following the scholarship on these two large conglomerates, we focus on two scholarly concepts: the idea of early modern realms as composite/conglomerate states, and state formation as a dynamic process involving several actors and interest groups. Our emphasis is particularly on sixteenth-century developments, as that century can be considered a thorough transition period in both regions. We hope that this literary review will bring the formerly marginalized conglomerates to the fore in discussion and research into state formation.

The article deals with the well-known essay of the German-American philosopher Hannah Arendt «Truth and Politics». An attempt was made to actualize the main themes of the essay and stressed that the authoress managed to predict the main threats to the truth in the context of the «post-truth» era and «fake news».Key words: truth, lie, politics, post-truth, fake news, opinion, Hannah Arendt. ; У статті зроблено спробу проаналізувати есей Ханни Арендт «Істина і політика» і актуалізувати його ідеї в контексті епохи «постправди» та «фейкових новин». Арендт вперше опублікувала текст 1967 року в журналі «New Yorker» як відповідь на бурхливу дискусію навколо її книги «Айхман у Єрусалимі. Репортаж про банальність зла». Арендт категорично протиставляє істину і політику. Авторка веде мову про раціональну (філософську, математичну) та фактичну істини. Якщо першу людина пізнає за допомогою власного розуму як філософ чи науковець, то друга – це насамперед події і вчинки, які мають випадковий і непередбачуваний характер. Політика становить найбільшу загрозу саме для фактичної істини, адже її найважче передбачити чи конт­ролювати. У тоталітарних державах із найбільшою нетерпимістю ставились до згадки заборонених фактів, тоді як шкідливі ідеї у певних дозах і під «правильним» ракурсом толерувались. І раціональна, і фактична істини, на думку Арендт, аполітичні за своє природою, адже незалежні від громадської думки, яка є суттю політики. Тому один із найефективніших методів боротьби із ними – стирання розмежувальної лінії між фактом та опінією.Ця тактика, на наш погляд, є однією із основних в епоху «постправди». Ясна річ, протилежністю факту є не опінія, а зумисна брехня. Політично вмотивована неправда небезпечна тим, що стосується багатьох. Традиційна брехня була пов'язана із приховуванням, тоді як модерна – не лише втаємничує, але й руйнує, зокрема й фізично. Брехня є формою насильства, її мета – зміна світу. Результатом її систематичного застосування є особливий цинізм, відмова від категорій «істина – брехня», що призводить до втрати відчуття реальності. Утім, навіть найбільш ефективна брехня ніколи не зможе адекватно замінити істини, з її допомогою не вдасться збудувати чогось реального, а лише примножити штучне та ілюзорне. Тому політики мають змиритись із тим, що їхня перемога над істиною може бути лише тимчасовою, і натомість – всіляко культивувати інституції, де плекають істину – суди, університети та мас-медіа.У статті також зроблено акцент на тому, що поняття «постправда» та «фейкові новини» не варто вважати релевантними категоріями для опису інформаційної реальності, бо від них немає жодної епістемологічної користі, а лише політичний ефект. Натомість, варто повернутись до традиційних понять, які Арендт використовує у своєму есеї, – істина, брехня, факти.Ключові слова: істина, брехня, політика, постправда, фейкові новини, опінія, Ханна Арендт.

Introduction: getting your house in order -- God's forgotten ones -- Should I help? -- Count the cost -- Giving a man a fish : direct relief -- Teaching a man to fish : distributing skills -- Fixing the pond : dealing with the system -- Race and class -- A life of justice -- The coming of trouble -- Not becoming what you hate -- Finishing the race -- A closing word

La relación arte-política fue uno de los puntos teóricos centrales de la escuela de Frankfurt, más reconocido en algunos de sus miembros como Walter Benjamin y Herbert Marcuse. La postura estética de Theodor Adorno, sin embargo, ha sido reconocida por rechazar tal relación directa entre praxis social y praxis artística. Este argumento, sustentado en la interpretación del carácter autónomo del arte contrapuesto al potencial político de la reproductibilidad técnica para la masificación del mismo, dejó a la zaga las reflexiones estéticas de Adorno en el desarrollo de la historia, la crítica y la filosofía del arte contemporáneo. Este punto es el que quiero problematizar aquí. Esto es, pretendo mostrar cómo en la estética adorniana se postula el modelo crítico de la praxis artística como praxis política, tanto que en la Teoría Estética de Adorno puede encontrarse una estética de lo político, idea bajo la cual se construyen gran parte de los discursos actuales sobre arte contemporáneo ; The art-political relationship was one of the central theoretical points of the Frankfurt school, most recognized in some of its members as Walter Benjamin and Herbert Marcuse. Theodor Adorno's aesthetic stance, however, has been recognized for rejecting such a direct relationship between social praxis and artistic praxis. This argument, based on the interpretation of the autonomous nature of art as opposed to the political potential of technical reproducibility for its massification, left Adorno's aesthetic reflections on the development of contemporary art history, criticism and philosophy behind. This is the point I want to make here. I intend to show how the critical model of artistic praxis as political praxis is postulated in the adornian aesthetic, so much so that in the Aesthetic Theory of Adorno an aesthetic of the political can be found, an idea under which a great part of the current discourses on contemporary art are constructed

The art-political relationship was one of the central theoretical points of the Frankfurt school, most recognized in some of its members as Walter Benjamin and Herbert Marcuse. Theodor Adorno's aesthetic stance, however, has been recognized for rejecting such a direct relationship between social praxis and artistic praxis. This argument, based on the interpretation of the autonomous nature of art as opposed to the political potential of technical reproducibility for its massification, left Adorno's aesthetic reflections on the development of contemporary art history, criticism and philosophy behind. This is the point I want to make here. I intend to show how the critical model of artistic praxis as political praxis is postulated in the adornian aesthetic, so much so that in the Aesthetic Theory of Adorno an aesthetic of the political can be found, an idea under which a great part of the current discourses on contemporary art are constructed. ; La relación arte-política fue uno de los puntos teóricos centrales de la escuela de Frankfurt, más reconocido en algunos de sus miembros como Walter Benjamin y Herbert Marcuse. La postura estética de Theodor Adorno, sin embargo, ha sido reconocida por rechazar tal relación directa entre praxis social y praxis artística. Este argumento, sustentado en la interpretación del carácter autónomo del arte contrapuesto al potencial político de la reproductibilidad técnica para la masificación del mismo, dejó a la zaga las reflexiones estéticas de Adorno en el desarrollo de la historia, la crítica y la filosofía del arte contemporáneo. Este punto es el que quiero problematizar aquí. Esto es, pretendo mostrar cómo en la estética adorniana se postula el modelo crítico de la praxis artística como praxis política, tanto que en la Teoría Estética de Adorno puede encontrarse una estética de lo político, idea bajo la cual se construyen gran parte de los discursos actuales sobre arte contemporáneo.