Search results

We are currently experiencing a new world order -- termed here, "vampire capitalism" -- a strategy of growth through redistribution that is based not on the productive capacities of the US, but on its powers of coercion, military force, & political & ideological domination. At a time when economic efficiency & technological innovation are eclipsing military & political domination as forms of control, the US is alone among the developed countries of the world in its emphasis on military intervention, or coerced extraction. One contribution to the development of vampire capitalism is the military-industrial complex's need to justify its existence in the post-cold war world. Vampire capitalism's strategy is to neutralize three forces that oppose US elites: rival capitalist forces, eg, Japan & Germany; the domestic working class; & developing nations dependent on US aid. To counter vampire capitalism, radical reforms must be undertaken, including a reformulation of international codes of corporate conduct, environmental standards, & labor rights. 3 Illustrations, 4 References. W. Howard

In this interview discussing the future of South African politics, President F. W. de Klerk's liberalizing measures are attributed to the failure of predecessor P. W. Botha to reform as well as to the desire to ease international pressure & economic & other sactions. Regional & international developments -- eg, failure of the South African Defense Force to achieve its military goals in Angola, & Namibian elections -- are cited as having marked the decline of military-governed solutions for South Africa. It is suggested that the African National Congress will maintain its predominant position in the South African liberation movement, with other organizations (eg, the Pan-Africanist Congress & the Inkatha movement of Zulu Chief Buthelezi) playing secondary roles. Continued pressure from the international community & mass movement within the country to counteract right-wing mobilization are central to the process of continued reform & negotiation. L. Baker

Prospects for the interventionist and anti-corporate ideology traditionally associated with the Democratic Party; 5 conference papers.

1949-85. Develops theory-based personal attributes models of the civil rights and liberties and economics decision making.

The joint effects of race & class are considered in an explicitly interactive model based on the concept of "ethclass." Focusing on the black middle class as an example of an ethclass, the model is tested using data on attitudes toward social welfare spending, drawn from the 1982-1985 General Social Surveys (N = approximately 3,900 respondents, 885 of whom are black). Results reveal that upper status blacks are somewhat more conservative than their lower status race peers, but are significantly more liberal than their white class peers. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 50 References. Modified HA

Throughout 1985-86 China's orthodox leaders waged a propaganda campaign against the reform programme that anticipated the subsequent attack on "bourgeois liberalization" which followed Hu Yaobang's resignation as general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in January 1987. The article explores conservative criticism of the reform programme sponsored by Deng Xiaoping since 1978. According to the author, conservatives aim to preserve the puritanical, yet disciplined, "socialist mass culture" created since 1949. (DÜI-Sen)

THE WHOLE PANORAMA OF THE ECONOMIC MODEL PUT INTO EFFECT BY THE CHILEAN MILITARY JNUTA IS ANALYZED. A CORRET INTERPRETATION OF THE MODEL CAN ONLY BE OBTAINED FROM A BROADER PERSPECTIVE THAN THE LIMITED LOGIC OF THE MODEL BEING USED. ALSO, AS THE RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY IN CHILE NEEDS A NEW ECONOMIC MODEL, THE GUIDING PRINCIPLES OF A NEW DEMOCRATIC MODEL ARE STUDIED.

Black (N = 349) & white (N = 492) school board members' attitudes toward integration, derived from a national school board sample, were compared with public attitudes toward integration (using 1972, 1974, & 1976 American National Election Studies data). Among the findings were that: (1) school board members (considered elites) appeared more liberal than the public for both races; (2) the gap between board members & the public was less distinct for blacks than whites; & (3) black school board members evidenced more liberal attitudes toward integration than white members. Further comparisons among school board members indicated that: (A) race & education were the main factors determining board members' attitudes toward racial integration; (B) political participation showed a positive association with liberal attitudes toward integration; & (C) initial method of selection (elected or appointed) was not related to attitudes toward integration. 2 Tables, 29 References. Modified HA.

The pol'al thought of Mosca underwent an evolution which led it from the anti-parliamentary & anti-democratic polemics of his first writings to an overtly liberal position in his more mature yrs. In effect, the 2 themes which make up the key of his system and upon which his fame rests, `pol'al class' & `pol'al formula' (which we are more apt to designate as `elites' & `ideology') are treated in his earlier works in a clearly anti-democratic sense. Experience & more extensive study of the parliamentary system later produced a more favorable attitude & the concept of `judicial defense' which is at the heart of the defense of individual liberties. It is thus that Mosca adheres to the liberal tradition & to an original interpretation of democracy. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.