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Настоящая статья посвящена анализу источников идей российских либералов конца ХХ начала XXI в. Последние, как известно, оказывали до недавнего времени большое влияние на принятие значимых политических решений в стране, что, вне всяких сомнений, свидетельствует об актуальности нашей работы. Выявлены основные корни взглядов представителей российского либерализма рубежа ХХ-XXI вв. (в первую очередь таких видных его адептов, как Е. Т. Гайдар, А. Б. Чубайс, Г. А. Явлинский и некоторых других). Нами проанализировано влияние на современных российских либералов идей неолиберализма, либерального марксизма (здесь российские либералы во многом следует Й. Шумпетеру), а также теории постоянного экономического роста. Кроме того, нами были опровергнуты господствующие в российском обществе идеи об отсутствии у отечественных либералов патриотизма и наличии у них устойчивых русофобских убеждений. В контексте этой проблематики нами были выявлены основные особенности внешнеполитической доктрины российских либералов рубежа ХХ-XXI вв. (в первую очередь это касается отказа от традиционной имперской внешней политики и необходимости перехода к либерально-имперской политике, особенно в рамках постсоветского пространства). ; This article analyzes the sources of Russian liberals' ideas of the late XXth the early XXIst centuries. The latest, as we know, had great influence on the adoption of important political decisions in the country. The basic roots of the views of the Russian liberalism representa-tives of the XX-XXI centuries (especially such prominent adherents as Y. Gaidar, A. Chubays, G. Yavlinsky) are revealed. We analyzed the influence of neoliberalism, liberal, Marxist theory of continuous economic growth. In addition, we refuted prevailing in Russian society the idea of lack of patriotism and national liberals supposedly their professed Russo-Phobia. In the context of this problem we have identified the main features of the Russian foreign policy doctrine of the Liberals of the ХХ-XXI centuries.

I advance an unusual view on the confrontation of the Western capitalism and Soviet–Russian socialism. I suggest to see this confrontation through the prism of revolutionary and counterrevolutionary ideologies. Today, almost one hundred years after the October Revolution 1917 in Russia, there are few reasons to celebrate the success of revolutionary ideology. Indeed, the Soviet Union, the socialist country built as a result of the Revolution, demised thirty years ago, while its economy was pillaged and devastated by the new Russian oligarchy. Simultaneously NATO advanced to the East and the EU approached the very Russian borders (e.g., Baltic countries). However, such achievement of revolutionary ideology as planned economy may be regarded as a useful instrument for developing eco-socialism and especially repairing Western capitalism and corporate liberalism that were seriously threatened by the incessant financial, economic and mental crises of the last decades. During these decades, the ruling political elites were able to keep status quo by means of injecting additional capital to the breeches using sovereign debt, inflation and corporate debt. The great financial crisis of 2007-2008 put an end to this. Retrospectively, what Marx named the transition from capitalism to socialism may seem to be repeatedly stifled by the Western capitalism. I name it permanent counterrevolution. The modern version of the Western counterrevolutionary ideology is economically based upon supply chains that combine the cheapest workforce in Asia with Western markets but dampen the overall demand in the global sense. The financial crisis led to narrowing the class compromise, as the income division of the global society strengthened. The Western counterrevolutionary strategy is focussed on protecting the global supply chains ("globalisation") and modern analogues of debt collection and it uses economic wars and real wars for regime change in different parts of the world. None the less, the increase in financing the US military ...

Este artículo emplea la aproximación biográfica para indagar en algunas claves culturales de la acción política. La vida de Tassara, un poeta cívico español de mediados del siglo xix, constituye la vía de entrada para proceder a un análisis de las relaciones entre la política liberal y dos distintas pero complementarias identidades de definición cultural. Romanticismo y masculinidad enmarcan de forma decisiva la forma de pensar y actuar en política de quien fue diputado y embajador, además de escritor público, en la época de instauración del nuevo régimen representativo en España. El enfoque biográfico contextual pretende, además, valorar aquello que su caso concreto presenta de particular y lo compartido con parte de la generación que protagonizó la construcción posrevolucionaria del liberalismo. En este último sentido, la doble condición de romántico y de varón dibuja un tejido de referencias identitarias que puede colaborar a abordar el estudio del liberalismo político desde perspectivas transnacionales. ; A biographical approach is used in this article to inquire into some cultural keys of political action. The life of Tassara, a Spanish «civic» poet of the mid Nineteenth Century, is turned into the starting point for the analysis of the relationship between liberal politics and two other different but complementary cultural identities: Romanticism and masculinity. Both identities conditioned the ways in which this deputy, diplomatic and public writer thought and acted in politics, during the instauration of the representative regime in Spain. Our contextual biographical approach also aims at assessing how far Tassara's was a singular case and how much he shared with the post-revolutionary liberal generation he belonged to. In the latter sense, his double condition of Romantic and male build up a set of identity references that might contribute to undertake the study of political liberalism from a transnational point of view.

What does "liberal" mean? This contribution to a sociology of "liberalism" is a study of the so-called "Liberal Union" under the Second French Empire. In a restricted sense, the term refers to a strategy of electoral alliance which brings together "republicans" and "monarchists" who where in opposition to the Empire. These relationships, still unthinkable a few years before, were carried out under the "liberal" flag and the demand of "liberties". What significance does this form of agreement have in the political and intellectual battles of the Second Empire ? What explains the mobilizations associated with the label "liberal" ? The analysis seeks to understand the conditions and limits -of this agreement. It also explains the political and intellectual stands in relation with the dynamics of the period. It shows that the "Liberal Union" corresponds to a characteristic ideological mood of the 1860s – which saw the birth of the formula "liberal democracy". It studies the way an opposition to the Empire is formed and returns on the rallying of the "liberals" to the new political order established at the beginning of the year 1870. The approach wish to reconsider the common political classifications established by academic literature by looking for affiliations or divisions which escape narratives based on the main political "forces" or "trends". ; Qu'est-ce qu'un « libéral » sous le Second Empire ? Cette thèse se présente comme une enquête historique sur la pensée et l'engagement des publicistes « libéraux » du XIXe siècle, à travers l'étude de la mobilisation intellectuelle et politique caractéristique de la décennie 1860, « l'Union libérale ». L'expression désigne en premier lieu une stratégie de rapprochements entre « monarchistes » et « républicains » opposés au régime autoritaire de Napoléon III, mais rassemblés sous le mot d'ordre de la défense des « libertés ». Quelles significations revêt cette forme d'entente dans les luttes idéologiques de la période ? Pourquoi un « parti libéral » n'a-t-il finalement ...

What does "liberal" mean? This contribution to a sociology of "liberalism" is a study of the so-called "Liberal Union" under the Second French Empire. In a restricted sense, the term refers to a strategy of electoral alliance which brings together "republicans" and "monarchists" who where in opposition to the Empire. These relationships, still unthinkable a few years before, were carried out under the "liberal" flag and the demand of "liberties". What significance does this form of agreement have in the political and intellectual battles of the Second Empire ? What explains the mobilizations associated with the label "liberal" ? The analysis seeks to understand the conditions and limits -of this agreement. It also explains the political and intellectual stands in relation with the dynamics of the period. It shows that the "Liberal Union" corresponds to a characteristic ideological mood of the 1860s – which saw the birth of the formula "liberal democracy". It studies the way an opposition to the Empire is formed and returns on the rallying of the "liberals" to the new political order established at the beginning of the year 1870. The approach wish to reconsider the common political classifications established by academic literature by looking for affiliations or divisions which escape narratives based on the main political "forces" or "trends". ; Qu'est-ce qu'un « libéral » sous le Second Empire ? Cette thèse se présente comme une enquête historique sur la pensée et l'engagement des publicistes « libéraux » du XIXe siècle, à travers l'étude de la mobilisation intellectuelle et politique caractéristique de la décennie 1860, « l'Union libérale ». L'expression désigne en premier lieu une stratégie de rapprochements entre « monarchistes » et « républicains » opposés au régime autoritaire de Napoléon III, mais rassemblés sous le mot d'ordre de la défense des « libertés ». Quelles significations revêt cette forme d'entente dans les luttes idéologiques de la période ? Pourquoi un « parti libéral » n'a-t-il finalement ...

This work presents the problems that the ideal of impartiality reveals in present times, and it aims to discuss the need of its political overcoming too. Impartiality is the regulative ideal that classic political liberalism adopted, and consist in the attitude of avoid defending any particular conception of good life, ideology or religion; because it disowns an effective criterion to determine which would be better. So, the State became an objective guarantor of individual rights. Now then, in present times, the emergency of social groups with political, social, economic and/or symbolic vindications poses challenge to which impartial-state must confront: now it is not just about regulation of individualscommunity-state interaction. Hence the need of questioning this ideal emerges. The case of the twins indigenous community U'wa can be example that questions the application of the ideal of impartiality today. In such community, the births of twins are considered "abnormal". Therefore, the twins are abandoned in order to Mother Nature determines their destiny. Should a Stated considered impartial ensures the individual right to life of twins, or be indifferent about particular beliefs of community members? This example evidences that the impartial State is in its decadence because it is unable to confront a problem of a multicultural society ; El artículo presenta los problemas que puede exhibir en la actualidad el ideal de imparcialidad y apunta a poner sobre la mesa la necesidad de su superación política. El ideal de imparcialidad debe entendérselo como el ideal regulativo que el liberalismo político clásico adoptó y, tiene que ver con la actitud estatal de no reivindicar ninguna concepción particular de vida buena, ideología o religión; pues desconoce un criterio efectivo para saber cuál sería mejor. Así, el Estado se convirtió en garante objetivo de los derechos individuales. Ahora bien, en la actualidad, el surgimiento de los grupos sociales de identidad con reivindicaciones políticas, sociales, económicas y/o simbólicas, plantea un desafío al que el Estado-imparcial debe hacer frente: ya no sólo se trata de la regulación de interacción entre individuos-individualizados, sino también la interacción entre individuoscomunidades-Estado. De ahí surge la necesidad de problematizar este ideal.El caso de los gemelos de la comunidad indígena colombiana U'wa puede servir como un ejemplo que problematiza la aplicación del ideal de imparcialidad en la actualidad. En dicha comunidad, los nacimientos de gemelos son considerados 'anormales', razón por la cual los gemelos son abandonados para que la madre naturaleza determine su destino. ¿Un Estado que se supone imparcial debería velar por el derecho individual a la vida de los gemelos o debería ser indiferente frente a las creencias particulares de los miembros de la comunidad? Este ejemplo evidencia que el Estado imparcial está en decadencia pues es incapaz de enfrentar un problema de la sociedad multicultural. ; O artigo apresenta os problemas que podem mostrar agora o ideal de imparcialidade e visa colocar sobre a mesa a necessidade de superar a política. O ideal de imparcialidade deve entendérselo como o ideal regulador que o liberalismo político clássico adotado e tem a ver com a atitude do Estado não reivindicar qualquer concepção particular de vida boa, ideologia ou religião; É conhecido como um critério eficaz para determinar qual seria o melhor. Assim, o Estado tornou-se o alvo fiador dos direitos individuais. Mas hoje, o surgimento de grupos de identidade social com reivindicações políticas, sociais, econômicas e / ou simbólicos, representa um desafio para o Estado-feira deve enfrentar: não mais apenas sobre a regulação da interação entre os indivíduos-individualizada, mas também a interação entre indivíduos de comunidades do estado. Daí a necessidade de problematizar este caso ideal.El Twins colombiano comunidade indígena U'wa pode servir como um exemplo para problematizar a aplicação do ideal de imparcialidade decorre hoje. Nesta comunidade, nascimentos de gêmeos são considerados "anormais", por que os gêmeos são abandonados à Mãe Natureza determina seu destino. Um estado que é suposto imparcial deve assegurar o direito individual à vida dos gêmeos ou deveria ser indiferente às crenças específicas dos membros da comunidade? Este exemplo mostra que o estado imparcial está em declínio porque é incapaz de lidar com um problema de uma sociedade multicultural.

The author analyzes Rawls's concept of the overlapping consensus in the light of the recently published set of instructions of the Vatican's Congregation for the doctrine of the faith about the participation of Catholics in political life. Rawls introduces the idea of the overlapping consensus as an institutional mechanism aimed at avoiding imposing a comprehensive moral, philosophical, or religious doctrine on all citizens & thus preserving the pluralism of values of contemporary liberal-democratic societies. By comparing the basic outlines of Rawls's theory of political liberalism with the set of instructions of the Catholic Church about the participation of its flock in political life, signed by Cardinal Ratzinger, the author challenges the viability of this concept of Rawls's, as well as the possibility of reconciling the liberal notion of the citizen with the Catholic ideal of the participation of believers in the political life of their communities. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- Preface -- References -- Acknowledgments -- Praise for Statecraft and the Political Economy of Capitalism -- Contents -- 1 Reintroducing Statecraft -- References -- 2 The Ambitions of Government: Statecraft in Historical Perspective -- On the Origins of Statecraft -- Order and Legitimacy in Early Modern Statecraft -- Modern Statecraft and the Emergence of "The Economy" -- The Post-War Revival of Statecraft -- Neoliberal Statecraft -- The Problem of Securitization -- Reviving Statecraft -- References -- 3 The Public Purpose of Political Economy -- The "Awkward Problem" of Power -- The Contingencies of Countervailence -- Political Economy and the Pathologies of Political Life -- Reconstituting the Public Purpose -- References -- 4 National Economic Policy: History, Culture, and Development -- Economic Statecraft as Knowledge of Particulars -- The Sources of Productive Power -- Lessons for Statecraft -- Toward "A Complete National Life" -- Developmental Futures -- Is Globalization to Blame? -- References -- 5 The Delicate Order of Liberalism -- The Pathologies of Economism -- The Delicate Organization of Liberalism -- The Decay of the Public Trust -- Deadlock and the Lure of Fascism -- Contemporary Perils -- The Task Ahead -- References -- 6 The Transgressive Economy -- The Accursed Share -- The Framework of the General Economy -- Myths of Sovereignty -- The Lure of Fascism -- Great Transformations? -- The Digital Economy -- Governing in an Age of Excess -- References -- 7 Democracy as Statecraft -- Does Statecraft Have a Future? -- Modern States, Modern Citizens -- From Governing to Governance: Wither the Demos? -- Democratic Potentials, Democratic Perils -- Statecraft as Citizencraft -- References -- 8 Conclusion: An Agenda for Citizenship -- References -- Index.

Intro -- Contents -- About the Editors and Authors -- Preface to the 6th Edition -- 1: Introduction -- A Century of IR Theorizing -- Post-War International Relations Theory -- The End of Theory? Why Theory Has Never Been More Important -- What Is Theory and How Do We Theorize? -- Why Theorize? From Motivation to Purpose -- Evaluating Theories -- Explanatory Power -- Predictive Power -- Interpretive Power -- Intellectual Consistency and Coherence -- Reflexivity -- Outline of the Book -- Conclusion: Next Generation of IR Theorizing? -- Glossary Terms -- 2: Realism -- Defining Realism -- Exemplary Realist Arguments -- The Hobbesian State of Nature -- Waltzian Structural Realism -- Characteristic Realist Propositions -- Self-Help -- Cooperation and Conflict -- Balancing -- Relative Gains -- Neo-classical Refinements of the Balancing Logic -- Morality and Foreign Policy -- Varieties of Realist Theories and Explanations -- Realist 'Theories' -- Realist Explanations vs. Explanations that Employ Realist Elements -- Structural Realism: Indeterminate Predictions -- Augmented Structural Realism -- Neo-classical Realism -- Fear, Uncertainty and the Future of Realist Theories -- Glossary Terms -- Further Reading -- 3: Liberalism -- After the Cold War -- The Liberal View: 'Inside Looking Out' -- War, Democracy and Free Trade -- Prospects for Peace -- The Spirit of Commerce -- Interdependence and Liberal Institutionalism -- Human Rights -- Globalization, the Financial System and Terrorism -- Liberalism and Globalization -- The Nature of 'Free Trade' -- Sovereignty and Foreign Investment -- Non-State Terrorism -- Conclusion -- Glossary Terms -- Further Reading -- 4: Postcolonialism -- 'The Third World Was Not a Place, It Was a Project' -- Postcolonialism in IR: Colonialism, Race, and Epistemic Justice.

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- About the Book -- Contents -- About the Author -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Research Methods and Data -- References -- Chapter 2: Current Debates and Theoretical Arguments -- Section 1: Explaining Growth: Liberalism vs. Institutionalism -- Liberalism and the Korean Political Economy -- Institutionalism and the Korean Political Economy -- Section 2: Explaining Change: Differentiation Within Developmental State Theory -- Dissolution of Developmentalism -- Continuity of Developmentalism -- Section 3: Theoretical Alternative and Analytical Framework -- Classification of the Types of Capitalism -- Liberal Capitalism -- Corporatist Capitalism -- State-Led Capitalism -- Differentiation Within State-Led Capitalism -- Governance Method: Dirigisme vs. Enabling State -- Developmental Strategies -- Politics of Evolution -- References -- Chapter 3: Characteristics of Korean Economic Growth -- Section 1: Economic Growth Based on Manufacturing Exports -- Section 2: From Finished Product Industry to Components and Materials Industry -- Section 3: From Input-Driven Economy to Innovation-Driven Economy -- References -- Chapter 4: The Traditional Korean Political Economic Model -- Section 1: State-Business Relations -- Establishment of State-Led Economic Development Strategy -- Selective Industrial Policy -- Capacity of Developmental States: Policy Instruments -- Domestic Capital Mobilization -- Raising Foreign Capital -- Closed and Centralized Policy Decision-Making -- Exclusiveness and Non-institutionalization of the Decision-Making Process -- Role of the Economic Planning Board -- Governance of Monetary and Financial Policy -- Economic Nationalism -- Section 2: Traditional Interfirm Relations in Korea -- Characteristics of the Korean Components Procurement System.

"What is political philosophy? What are its fundamental problems? And how should it be distinguished from moral philosophy? In this book, Charles Larmore redefines the distinctive aims of political philosophy, reformulating in this light the basis of a liberal understanding of politics. Because political life is characterized by deep and enduring conflict between rival interests and differing moral ideals, the core problems of political philosophy are the regulation of conflict and the conditions under which the members of society may thus be made subject to political authority. We cannot assume that reason will lead to unanimity about these matters because individuals hold different moral convictions. Larmore therefore analyzes the concept of reasonable disagreement and investigates the ways we can adjudicate conflicts between those who reasonably disagree about the nature of the human good and the proper basis of political society. Challenging both the classical liberalism of Locke, Kant, and Mill, and more recent theories of political realism proposed by Bernard Williams and others, Larmore argues for a version of political liberalism that is centered on political legitimacy, rather than on social justice, and that aims to be well suited to our times, rather than universally valid. Forceful and thorough yet concise, What Is Political Philosophy? proposes a new definition of political philosophy and demonstrates the profound implications of that definition. The result is a compelling and distinctive intervention from a major political philosopher"--

Chapter 1. Introduction (Crewe & Sanders) -- Part 1 -- Chapter 2. Authoritarian populism and Brexit in the UK in historical perspective (Crewe) -- Chapter 3. Exploring Authoritarian Populism in Britain (Greenwood & Twyman) -- Chapter 4. Authoritarian populist opinion in Europe (Bartle, Sanders & Twyman) -- Chapter 5. Populism and Brexit (Marsh) -- Chapter 6. Populism Plus – Voting for Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton in the 2016 US Presidential Election (Whiteley, Clarke & Stewart) -- Chapter 7. Facilitating Donald Trump: Populism, the Republican Party and Media Manipulation (McKay) -- Chapter 8. Exceptionalism, Contending Liberalisms and the Future of the Democratic Party (Wilson) -- Part 2 -- Chapter 9. How can liberal democracies respond effectively to Putin without prejudicing liberalism and democracy? (Hosking) -- Chapter 10. How can the liberal democratic cause be advanced in the Middle East? (Ezrow) -- Chapter 11. Parliamentary and presidential systems: the role of parties, and the danger of authoritarian populism (Blondel & Thiebault) -- Chapter 12. Does Populism discredit Direct Democracy? (Budge) -- Chapter 13. How should established parties respond to the rise of identity politics in their electoral base? (Kettle) -- Chapter 14. Populism and Social Citizenship: an Anglo-American comparison (Moran) -- Chapter 15. The Top Leader Fixation in British Politics (Brown) -- Chapter 16. Constitutional Reform and the Functioning of UK Democracy (Riddell) -- Part 3 -- Chapter 17. The Founding Fathers vs The People? (Weale) -- Chapter 18. Ideas, institutions, and the politicians of our governments: Anthony King as a student of liberal democracy (Allen) -- Chapter 19. Conclusion (Crewe & Sanders)

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Abbreviations and Acronyms -- 1 The Religious Resurgence and International Political Economy -- Religion and Neoliberal Globalization in International Political Economy -- Structure and the Argument of the Book -- Methodological Note -- References -- 2 Religious Fundamentalism and the Neoliberal Turn -- The New Deal and Embedded Liberalism-Taming the Markets? -- Secular Nationalism as a Precondition for Embedded Liberalism? -- The Religious and Neoliberal Counterinsurgency Against the Interventionist State -- Neoliberal Globalization and Inequality -- Is Neoliberalism Now a Form of Religion? -- "Secularization" and International Political Economy -- "Religions" and International Political Economy-The Framework of Analysis -- Religious Resurgence One or Many? A Gramscian Perspective on Religion -- Conclusion -- References -- 3 Business Fundamentalism and US Hegemony -- From Benevolent to Predatory Hegemony -- The Religious Origins of Neoliberalism -- Militarization of US Foreign Policy and "Islam" as the New Enemy -- Conclusion -- References -- 4 The Spirit of Capitalism and the Question of Development -- Weber, Capitalist Development, and Post-developmentalism -- Market Islam and Development -- Pentecostal and Prosperity Christianity -- Corporate Hinduism, Prosperity Buddhism, and Revival of Folk Religions -- The Spirit of Capitalism and Charitable Giving -- Conclusion -- References -- 5 Toward Multipolarity Through Religious Nationalism? -- State Strategies and Transformations in a Lopsided International Political Economy -- Religious Counter-Elites and the Neoliberal Revolution in West Asia -- South Asian Counter-Elites -- Latin America: Evangelical Counter-Elites and the New Authoritarian Politics -- Decolonization of IPE Through Multipolarity and Multiple Modernities? -- Conclusion.