Tesi amb menció internacional; capítols 1, 2.1, 9 i 10 escrits en francès. Aplicat embargament des de la data de defensa fins al 5 de novembre de 2021 ; The history of the urban development of Donostia San Sebastian before its near total destruction by the Anglo-Portuguese troops of Wellington in 1813 has been little studied and never in a comprehensive and orderly manner. This work aims to fill the gap and provide a new vision of this history, as complete as possible. In this work several layers emerge. The first one is the reconstruction, by means of a CAD 3D model, of the city towards 1800, covering a great part of the municipal territory, beyond its intramural nucleus. A dialectical relation is created between the requirements of reconstitution and the necessity of its verification in the plans, drawings and texts found in several archives, notably in France. The old plans are presented, confronted in chronological order and in detail. They are complemented by written testimonies and translated into sober images, in a clear line style, "vedutist", drawn from the 3D model. All this in order to explain the city of yesterday, but also its permanences, which determine the present and project themselves into the future. Everything is contextualized and the corresponding examples of the near surroundings and the history of architecture are put to contribution. The second deals with its development, between its merchant and maritime vocation and its military destiny, with the limit set in 1813. The documentation used was thought scarce but it turned out to be abundant and profitable, largely unknown and unpublished. Contradictions are solved, new hypotheses are proposed and forgotten elements of the urban history of the city appear, such as the bell tower of Santa María, the palace of Idiaquez, the "cubertizos", the houses of Berastegui and Babaça, and the three peripheral convents of Antigua, San Bartolomé and San Francisco. The work can be also considered as a compilation of all available knowledge on the subject The third layer refers to the endless debate between simplifying and rational modernity, and complex, organic roots and permanence. A constant in San Sebastian, linked to the debate about his goodness and beauty. Putting these debates into perspective over time is another axis of the work. Two examples of this are the creation of the Plaza Nueva at the beginning of the 18th century and the hygienist and rationalist policy of the city's ediles at the end of that century. Finally, the new urban frame proposed by the architect Pedro Manuel de Ugartemendía in 1815 could have meant the disappearance of the previous layout of the intramural city, but this one lasted, undergoing some alignments of street and other levelings of ground. The fourth and final layer involves the rediscovery of some important people in the history of San Sebastian's urban planning, such as the Italian architect Hercules Torelli. It appears as a thread of the story, intervening in the fortifications of the city, the convent of San Bartolomé and the Plaza Nueva, town hall included. We should also mention Gabriele Tadino de Martinengo, artilleryman and engineer of Charles V, author of the "obra perpetua", with his powerful "cubo imperial" as a frontal defense of the city, but which limited his expansion, Don Miguel de Aristeguieta, promoter of the risky project of the church of Santa Teresa, perched on the side of Mount Urgull, and Don Joseph Miguel de Bildasola, prior of the Consulate, representative for the project of Plaza Nueva, founder and first director of the Compañía Guipuzcoana de Caracas in 1728, mayor of the city in 1736 and promoter of the new church of Santa María. ; La historia del desarrollo urbano de la ciudad de Donostia San Sebastián antes de su casi total destrucción por las tropas anglo-portuguesas de Wellington en 1813 ha sido poco estudiada y nunca de una manera global y ordenada. El trabajo que aquí se presenta persigue llenar este vacío y aportar una nueva visión de dicha historia, lo más completa posible. En él se articulan varios estratos. El primero es la recreación, gracias al instrumento CAD, de la ciudad hacia 1800 en un modelo digital 3D que abarca gran parte del término municipal, más allá de su núcleo intramuros, junto a otros más puntuales de ciertas partes representativas en varias fases de su devenir. Es el eje director de la investigación científica, del estudio morfológico y tipológico. Se establece una relación dialéctica entre las exigencias de la reconstitución y la necesidad de su verificación en los planos, dibujos y textos rescatados en varios archivos, entre ellos especialmente los de Francia. Se muestran los planos antiguos, confrontándolos en el orden cronológico y en su detalle. Se cotejan con los testimonios escritos, y se traducen en imágenes sobrias, con un estilo de línea clara, "vedutista", sacadas del modelo 3D. Todo ello para explicar la ciudad tanto en su pasado como en sus permanencias que determinan el presente y se proyectan en el futuro. Se contextualizan y se recurre a ejemplos semejantes del entorno y de la historia de la arquitectura. El segundo trata de la formación de la ciudad, entre su vocación comerciante y marítima y su destino de plaza militar, con el límite fijado en 1813. La documentación utilizada se pensaba escasa, pero resulta ser abundante y provechosa, en gran parte desconocida e inédita. Se solventan contradicciones, se plantean nuevas hipótesis y se muestran elementos olvidados de la historia urbana de la ciudad, como la torre campanario de Santa María, el palacio de Idiaquez, los "cubertizos", las casas de Berastegui y Babaça, y los tres conventos periféricos de la Antigua, de San Bartolomé y de San Francisco. El trabajo se plantea también como una recopilación de todo el saber disponible sobre el tema. El tercer estrato se refiere al eterno debate entre la modernidad simplificadora y racional, y las raíces, las permanencias complejas y orgánicas. Una constante en San Sebastián, unida al debate sobre su bondad y belleza. La puesta en perspectiva de dichos debates a lo largo del tiempo es otro eje del trabajo, sacando a la luz la creación modélica de la Plaza Nueva a principios del siglo XVIII y la política higienista y racionalista de los ediles de la ciudad a finales de dicho siglo. Por último, la nueva trama urbana propuesta por el arquitecto Pedro Manuel de Ugartemendía en 1815 podría haber significado la desaparición del anterior trazado de la ciudad intramuros, pero este se mantuvo con algunas alineaciones de calle y nivelaciones de cota. El cuarto y último estrato implica el redescubrimiento de algunos personajes relevantes de la historia del urbanismo donostiarra, destacando el arquitecto italiano Hércules Torelli. Aparece como hilo conductor del relato, con sus intervenciones en las fortificaciones de la ciudad, en el convento de San Bartolomé y en la Plaza Nueva, con su Casa Concejil. Hay que citar también Gabriele Tadino de Martinengo, artillero e ingeniero de Carlos V, autor de la ¿obra perpetua¿, con su potente "cubo imperial" para poner a resguardo la ciudad del enemigo pero que limitó su expansión, al indiano Don Miguel de Aristeguieta, impulsor de la arriesgada obra de la iglesia de Santa Teresa, colgada en la ladera del monte Urgull, y al poderoso Don Joseph Miguel de Bildasola, prior del Consulado de San Sebastián, apoderado para la obra de la Plaza Nueva, fundador y primer director de la Compañía Guipuzcoana de Caracas en 1728, alcalde de la ciudad en 1736 y promotor de la renovada iglesia de Santa María. ; La ville de Donostia-Saint Sébastien antérieure à l'incendie de 1813, triste épisode des guerres napoléoniennes, reste une inconnue. Elle a été peu étudiée, ne se considérant digne d'intérêt que sa reconstruction postérieure. De là, la nécessité de mener à bien une étude détaillée et méthodique pour récupérer un savoir justifié et documenté à propos de l'urbanisme du 18ème siècle de cette ville européenne et atlantique. Cette étude se présente comme un exercice indispensable de progrès dans la connaissance de la ville du passé, origine de la ville d'aujourd'hui. ; Postprint (published version)
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Ned Lebow on Drivers of War, Cultural Theory, and IR of Foxes and Hedgehogs
Drawing on classical political theories, International Relations is dominated by theories that presuppose interests or fear as dominant drivers for foreign policy. Richard Ned Lebow looks further back into the history of ideas to conjure up a more varied set of drives that underpin political action. In this Talk, Lebow, among others, elaborates on the underpinnings of political action, discusses how war drives innovations in IR theorizing in the 20th century, and likens himself to a fox, rather than a hedgehog.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current IR? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
Well, the big challenge in international politics is always how do we keep from destroying one another and that's the negative question. But it is mirrored by a positive question which is, how do we build community and tolerance and peace? And that's not exactly the flip side, but that's always been the big question in IR. And part of that, I think, is how we learn to manage threatening change. Because in my perspective, that's the driving force of conflict: ultimately, both World Wars can be attributed to modernization and its destabilizing consequences. That is also the reason why it is a falsehood to base theory on that little select slice of history during the World Wars, extrapolate it, and try to think its universal. Yet that is what IR theory does: so many theorists, and so many of the people you recently interviewed, are guilty of doing that. So that's the big question and certainly, that's what drove me to study IR in the hope that I could make some small contribution to figuring out some of the answers or partial answers to these questions.
If we turn to what the central debate should be in International Theory, well, I would frame this in two parts: the first should be 'what are the different ways in which we can conceive of international theory and how, by all of us pursuing it the way we feel comfortable with, we can enrich the field without throwing bric-a-brac at each other and find ways of learning from each other?'
A few years ago, I edited a book with Mark Lichbach (Theory and Evidence in Comparative Politics and International Relations) as a rejoinder to King, Keohane and Verba's book, which we found deeply offensive. It has the narrowest framework and then they base their understanding on the Vienna school yet they seem to have forgotten that Hempel and Popper would disavow the positions that King, Keohane and Verba (KKV) are anchoring themselves in as epistemologically primitive. And the very examples they give to illustrate 'good science'—Alvarez and his groupaddressing the problem of dinosaur extinction—they fail to see that what these people did was in fact code on the dependent variable, which is the big no-no for KKV! And the reason why Alvarez et al were taken seriously, was not because they went through the order of research that KKV promoted, but rather because they came up with an explanation for a phenomenon that people have long known about—yet explanations don't figure at all in KKV's take; they had no interest in mechanisms, it was all narrow correlations. It's absurd! So we edited the book, and we invited people who represented different perspectives, but all of whom had evidence and struggled to make sense of the evidence, to talk to one another and to look at the problems they themselves find in their positions and how one could learn broadly from considering this. That's the kind of debate that seems to me is a useful one. Not who is right or wrong, but how can we learn collectively. And secondly, I think maybe we need fewer debates, and more good research.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about IR?
I suppose it's a combination of people, books, and events, and being a dog that constantly gnaws on bones and works it through. Very clearly the Second World War and the Cold War were what brought me to the study of IR. I'm sure in their absence, considering the counterfactual, I would have gone into Astrophysics, which was the other field that really interested me.
I think the first concrete influence was as an undergraduate and then as a graduate, being struck by certain individuals whose minds seemed to sparkle; and I admired them for that and they became role models. And I would make myself, intellectually, a little Hans Morgenthau, a little Karl Deutsch; see the world through their eyes, and play with it. I never really wanted to make myself into them, but rather to benefit by seeing what the world was like when seen through their eyes. So in this sense, let me go back and draw on Boswell, Hughes, and Mill for my answer. They all conceived of identity as something that's a process of self-fashioning in which we mix and match the characteristics that we observe in other people. And the purpose of society is to throw up these role models and provide interaction with them so that we can constantly be engaging in self-fashioning. And ultimately, we create something that's novel that other people want to emulate or reject, as the case may be. And I think that mixing and matching, and ultimately creating a synthesis of my own, I developed my own approach to things.
The second element of this is to pick problems that engage me, and stick with them. My first book in IR was about international crises and I worked on this, it must have been 8, possibly even 9 years. I started out initially convinced that deterrence theory made sense but wouldn't fit the historical evidence. Then one day, while playing around, I realized the theory was wrong and by reversing it, I could understand why it didn't work and see there were very different dynamics at play. So working on a problem constantly and going back and forth between theory and empirical findings, you gradually develop your own sense of the field.
It also helps, over the course of an intellectual lifetime, to work on different kinds of problems: I've just finished a book on the politics and ethics of identity; I finished a manuscript up for review on the nature of causation and different takes on cause; and the previous two books were on counterfactuals and the origins of war. And I learned something theoretically and methodologically by throwing myself into these problems and also, in some cases, by going beyond what one would normally consider the domain of IR to look for answers. I've often done philosophy and literature in the identity book. I also go to musical texts: I have a reading of the Mozart Da Ponte Operas as a deliberate thought experiment to test out ancient regime and enlightenment identities under varying circumstances to expose what's wrong with them and to work toward a better approach of Così fantutte. And I read the music, not only the libretti, to get at an answer. Of course, when you've been doing it a long time, it keeps you alive and alert when you look at something new. I'm just finishing my 46th year of University teaching. It's a long time!
Thirdly, there were a few pivotal books. I read George Orwell's 1984 and Aldous Huxley's Brave New World in the early 50s. Both of those were very powerful books. I also read in about 1950 - Life Magazine produced a large volume on WWII and it had fabulous photographs and of course Life was famous, Robert Capa's photographs, and the text by John Dos Passos. A big big book that I read and re-read and that was a powerful influence on me. I'd say the Diary of Anne Frank, when it came out, which was not all that dissimilar but had a different ending from my own war experience, and then in high school I read, or struggled to read—I don't think I understood it—Ideology and Utopia (full text here) by Karl Mannheim, and then I read Politics among Nations and the Twenty Year's Crisis. And both those books made enormous sense to me at the time. But I think the book that over the course of my lifetime has had the most influence on me of anything is Thucydides' The History of the Peloponnesian War (read full text here).
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
I am tempted to give you a flippant answer that an expert is somebody from out of town; what used to be with slides would now be with a PowerPoint presentation. I think frankly you need to do two things: you need to be analytically sophisticated and original on the one hand, but to do it well, you have to have an empirical base. There has to be some problem or set of problems that you've rolled up your sleeves, looked at the data, talk to the people who are on the ground doing these things, and you need to go back and forth between that empirical knowledge and conceptual one. That's success as a social scientist.
And traditionally, there's always been another key. You must have one foot in society in which you belong and another foot outside so you can do it as an outsider as well as an insider. That's terribly important. I think, in this sense, that Americans are more parochial than other people. They are good insiders but they are not very good outsiders and they just don't understand the rest of the world and when you read what they write about the rest of the world, you wonder what planet they are living on. If you don't see the rest of the world, you can't look at the America from another perspective. It's like people who take hegemony seriously; it's like believing in Santa Claus, except Santa Claus is benign. To gain a deep experience of the world in itself is a pre-requisite. Do a year abroad in some other culture. Learn a language. Have a relationship with someone from a different culture—you begin to learn the languages and all the rest will come. That's the way to start.
You are most famous to most people for your Cultural Theory of International Relations (2008). What does it comprise and can you say something about its classical roots?
I return to classical theory of conflict and cooperation because I find that in modern theory, all drives of human action have been reduced to appetite, and reason to mere instrumentality. The Greeks, by contrast, believed there were several fundamental drives—drives that affected politics—and while these included appetite, they weren't just appetite. Reason was more than instrumentality; it also had the goal of understanding what led to a happy life; then, next to reason and appetite, the third drive was spirit or self-esteem (the Greek thumos), which is very different and often opposed to appetite. It is about winning the approbation of others to feel good about ourselves. The difference between honor and standing—two variants of self-esteem—is that honor is status achieved within a fixed set of rules, while standing is whenever you achieve status by whatever means.
Now most existing IR theories are either only built on appetites—as liberalism and Marxism—or fear. And for the Greeks fear is not a human drive but a powerful emotion which can become a motive. And when reason loses control over either appetite or spirit, people begin to worry about their own ability to satisfy their appetites, their spirit, or even protect themselves physically. That's when fear becomes a powerful motive. Realism is of course the paradigm developed around fear. I differ in that my theory recognizes multiple motives, that are active to varying degrees at different times. They don't blend the way a solution does in chemistry, but they retain their own characteristics, even if jumbled together. So my theory expects to see quite diverse and often conflicting behavior, whereas other theories only pay attention to state behavior that seems to support their theory, and feel the need to explain away other behavior inconsistent with their theory. I revel in these variations. Second, I vary in describing what derives from these motives as (Weberian) ideal types—which means, something you don't encounter in the real world, but rather, an abstraction, a fictional or analytical description, that helps to make sense of the real world but never maps onto it exactly. So, a fear-based world gives you a very nice description of a foundation of anarchy. But of course this is an ideal-type world. Fear is only one motive. You have go to a place where civil order has broken down, like Somalia or the trenches in WWII, to see fear-based models compete.
Starting from these three motives and the emotion of fear, I argue that each of these generates a very different logic of cooperation, conflict and risk-taking; and each is associated with a different kind of hierarchy. And all of them except fear rely on a different principle of justice. Just to give an example: for actors—whether individuals or states—driven by self-esteem, they tend to be risk prone (because honor has to be won by successfully overcoming ordeals and challenges); it leads to a conflictual logic because you are competing with others for honor; and it can be rule-based (although the rules can brake down and move into fear); and the principle is one of fairness, in contrast to interest or appetite which has a principle of equality. The hierarchy is one of clientelism, where people honor those at the top, which, in return, provides practical benefits for those on the bottom. The Greeks called this hegemonia; the Chinese had a similar system.
But because any actual system is not an ideal type, we have to figure out what that mixture is and we can begin to understand foreign policies. And I try to give numerous examples in the book. And the big turning point, I argue, is modernity, where it becomes more difficult to untangle the motives and their discourses. Because in modernity both Rousseau and Adam Smith try to understand why we want material things, so the two become connected. You could argue that even in Egyptian times they were connected, in the pyramids, which are nothing if not erections of self-esteem. But it becomes more difficult and so, rather than saying, using literary texts, artistic works and political speeches as a way of determining the relationship, I approached the problem differently with the examples of the World Wars, the Cold War, and the Anglo-American Invasion of Iraq. I said let's run a test of seeing how carefully we can explain the origins and the dynamics of these conflicts on the basis of interest, on the basis of fear, on the basis of self-esteem. And I think that's methodologically defensible.
Now the interesting point is that the honor or self-esteem explanation is gone completely from modern IR explanations but does at least just a good a job—if not better—at explaining these conflicts I mention above. There is an important sense—and this is my latest book—in which going to war was the dominant way to get recognized as a great power, and I feel that the example of the war in Iraq illustrates that that principle is on the retreat.
I obviously use Greek thinking as a source here of—again, I wouldn't use the word knowledge—but as a source of insight into human nature and the recurring problems regardless of society. Some of the great writers and thinkers cannot be surpassed as sources of knowledge that we as social scientists are shadows on the cave by comparison. And I find the Greeks particularly interesting for several reasons. One, they had a richer understanding of the psyche that moderns who have adduced everything to appetite and reason to a mere instrumentality, this is, to me, an incredibly narrow, crude way of thinking of the human mind. And, for whatever reason, they were gifted with tragedians who pierced to the core of things. So I find them as a source of inspiration but it's by no way limited to the Greeks. You can pick great authors from any culture, in any century, and read them and learn a lot.
How should we understand your cultural theory of international relations in relation to the 'big' paradigms?
My theory is constructivist, at every level. I can go even further and claim that my theory is the only constructivist theory. Alexander Wendt is not a constructivist. If anything, he's a structural liberal. It did have preexisting identities and has a teleology as he believes a Kantian world is inevitable— that's quite a statement to make! And I hope he's right. On the other hand, I define constructivists in a broader way. Most constructivists start with identities and identities are certainly an important feature of my work, but my theory rests on a different premise, and that is the notion of there being certain core values which are germane to politics, and they vary in relative importance from society to society, and they find expression in different ways. So it is constructivist, I think, in the Weberian sense: we have to understand from within the culture what makes things meaningful. And, in that sense, you could bring in the notion of inter-subjective reality, but I go beyond it, because other values are always present in this mix and therefore there's behavior that appears contradictory that is often misunderstood if you apply the wrong lens to it. So there's a lack of interdisciplinary understanding as well: you have to look at both to see how the world works. So cultural theory is constructivist and it allows us to reframe and expand what constructivism means.
If I apply this constructivist thinking to one of the core principles in our approach to world politics: what is a cause? I start by asking, what does 'cause' mean, in physics? Why physics? Because physics is always the field that political scientists look at, we have 'physics envy', so to speak. And interestingly, in physics, there is no consensus about what cause means. Some physicists think that very notion of cause is unhelpful to what they do. Others are happy with regularities and subscribe to causal thinking. Still others thing that you need to have mechanisms to explain anything. Still others, and here statistical mechanics can be taken as a case in point, invoke Kantian understandings of cause. Within physics there's no argument between people adhering to these different understandings of 'cause', because you should do what works! They don't criticize one another. So if they have this diversity, why shouldn't we? Why shouldn't we develop understandings of cause that are most appropriate to what we do? So I develop an understanding I call 'inefficient causation' (download full paper here), sort of playing off of Aristotle. And it is a constructivist understanding, but it also incorporates elements that are distinctively non-constructivist. And identities are only a small piece of the puzzle.
Is there any sense to make of the way IR has evolved over the 20th century?
I think if you look at some of the central figures, it's quite easy. There are 2 great cohorts of International Relations theorists. Those born in the early years of the 20th century comprise Hans Morgenthau, John Hertz, E.H. Carr, Harold Lasswell, Nicholas Spykman, Frederick Schuman, and Karl Deutsch—who was on my dissertation committee together with Isaiah Berlin and John Hertz. The second cohort is born between about 1939 and 1945, and it comprises Robert Jervis (Theory Talk #12), Joseph Nye (Theory Talk #7), Robert Keohane (Theory Talk #9), Oren Young, Peter Katzenstein (Theory Talk #15), Stephen Krasner (Theory Talk#21), Janice Steinberg… And I'll tell you what I think the reasons are for these groups to emerge at these particular moments: the first cohort lived through World War I. And did so, fortunately, in at an age where they were too young to be combatants for the most part, but they certainly had to deal intellectually and personally with its consequences and then watch the horrors unfold of the 1930s.
And the second, my own, cohort was born at the outset of the Second World War. I think, in that group, I may be the only one of them born in Europe (France). The rest of them were born in the US. And we came of age during the most acute crisis of the cohort. So I was either in university or graduate school during the Berlin crisis, during the Cuba crisis, and certainly had an interest first in the consequences of WWII and how something like this could happen, and then living through the horrors of the Cold War, not knowing if indeed one would live through them. And that created a very strong incentive and focus for our group of people. Now a surprising number of this second group did their graduate studies at Yale: Janice Stein, I, Oren Young, Bruce Russet, Krasner, later all at Yale with Karl Deutsch. The rest, Jervis, Keohane and Krasner at Harvard with Samuel Huntington. I think you have the odd person who's born somewhere in between – so, Ken Waltz (Theory Talk #40), for instance, is younger. He must be a 1920 person, almost exactly in between these two, just as Ernst Haas.
And I wouldn't be surprised now if there is another cohort emerging, the people of around the age of Stefano Guzinni, Jens Bartelson, Patrick Jackson (Theory Talk #44). What ties this third cohort together is that they all watched the end of the Cold War and are coping with its aftermath. So I believe that it's probably two things: the external environment and the extent to which you're in an intellectually nurturing institution. And of course for our cohort, it certainly helped that there were jobs. That was not true of the earlier cohort. Almost all of them, except E.H. Carr, ended up in the US as refugees. Did you know Morgenthau started as an elevator boy in New York? Then he got a job teaching part-time at Brooklyn College because someone fell ill. His wife cleaned other people's apartments to supplement their income. Then he got a job at the University of Kansas City, which was a hellhole, and finally Harold Lasswell got called to Washington for some war work and got Chicago to hire Morgenthau to replace him.
What is the issue with the discipline today if, as you noted before, we fail to ask the most interesting questions and instead focus on method?
Well, it of course depends on which side of the pond you sit. On the American side of the pond, positivist or game-theoretical behaviorist or rationalist modeling approaches dominate the literature; it's just silly, from my perspective. It's based on assumptions which bear no relationship to the real world. People like it because it's intellectually elegant: they don't have to learn any languages, they don't have to read any history, and they can pretend they're scientists discussing universals. Intellectually, it's ridiculous. Bruce Bueno de Mesquita (Theory Talk #31) is a classic case in point. He's made a huge reputation for himself with The War Trap (1981). That book and the corresponding theory are based on a simple assumption, namely, that there's a war trap compelling states into war, because initiators win wars. But just look at the empirical record from 1945 to the present—initiators lose between 80-90% of the wars they start. And that really depends on the definition of victory. If you use the real definition, the Clausewitzian one, you have to ask: do they achieve their political goals through violence? Then the answer is, even fewer "victories". Well, let's cut them some slack, use a more relaxed definition: did they beat the other side militarily? Initiators still lose 78 or 82%—I forget exactly which percentage of their wars. And the profession right now is so ignorant of history that nobody said 'Wait a minute!' the day the book came out. Instead IR scholars all focus on this model and fine-tuning it—it's ridiculous! And well, I don't want to go on with a critique, but this is a serious problem, for it concerns a huge misunderstanding regarding one of the most important problems out there.
But what happens now is this kind of thinking metastasizes throughout the discipline because what students in International Relations or Political Science more generally are taught are calculus, statistics—and I'm not against this, one should learn them; I use them myself when I wear my psychologist hat and do quantitative research and statistical analysis—but they don't learn languages, they don't learn history, they don't learn philosophy. They are so narrow! Much of this of course has to do with the reward structure in the United States. It's clear that the statistical scientists are at the top of the hill. So, economists transform themselves into scientists; but the social scientists copy them because there are clear institutional rewards. If you look at our salaries in comparison to the salaries of anthropologists, historians—then if you sit at the edge of your chair and look over the abyss you might see the humanists down there in terms of what they get. So very clearly, there are strong institutional rewards. Once the positivist crowd got a lock on various foundations and journals, if you want a job, if you want to rise up through the profession, students tell me you have to do this stuff. IR graduate students are bricklayers that get turned out of these universities. That's the tragedy! It's no longer a serious intellectual enterprise. It's not connected to anything terribly meaningful.
And mind you, I must say, while on the other, European, side of the pond there is more diversity (one of the reasons I feel more comfortable here), at the same time there is a strong tendency to go for a certain heavy-handed brand of post-modernism. If you don't start an article with a genuflection to Foucault or De Saussure or Derrida, you don't get published. And by not looking beyond these 20th century thinkers, people in Europe are often given credit for inventing things which were common knowledge for hundreds and hundreds of years. Utterly ridiculous. But in between, there are of course people who are trying to make sense of the world, including many people in the positivist tradition who are doing good quantitative research and trying to address serious problems in the world. The difficulty is that these two extremes are often people who approach IR as a religion and they think that their way of doing research is the only way and they have no respect for others. And that's a kind of arrogance to which, to me, is a violation of what the university is all about.
Ultimately, what is good theory? One approach would be to say that a good theory is one that appears to order a domain in a way that is conceptually rigorous - to the extent that that's even possible - that is original and that raises a series of interesting questions which haven't been asked before, but which are amenable to empirical research and finally it should have normative implications. This is what Hans Morgenthau meant when he said that the purpose of IR theory is not to justify what policymakers did, but to educate them to act in ways that would lead to a better and more peaceful world. And that, I think, is the ultimate goal of IR theory that we should not lose sight of.
You indicated that Isaiah Berlin was on your dissertation committee. He famously tries to explain Tolstoy's philosophy of history (in War and Peace) through the parable of the hedgehog and the fox. If theorists constraining themselves to one drive underpinning policy choices would be hedgehogs, how would you see yourself? A fox or a hedgehog?
I am clearly a fox! I do different things. Whether I do them well is debatable. But I certainly think that I'm a man of many tricks. Of course the distinction also implies not believing in an overarching truth, and indeed, I try hard not to think about truth because I don't think you can get very far when you do. Epistemologically and eclectically, I'm a great believer that we can never really establish a cause, truth, and knowledge. One of the great problems here goes back to Plato who was shocked that craftsmen equated technical ability to produce things with knowledge—Sofia, which is wisdom. And today you have the problem one step up, so another category of knowledge for the Greeks was episteme. Aristotle would describe it as 'conceptual knowledge' or that which might even be represented mathematically. And the people who would be 'expert' in episteme think they have sofia and their claim to being a hedgehog is the same kind of conceit, a form of hubris. Berlin's distinction between hedgehogs and foxes is a very useful and nice concept to play around with.
Yet it's a bit much to reduce Tolstoy to that tension. You could do it as a game but it doesn't do much justice because there is so much else in Tolstoy. He's tilting against the French historians of the 19th century who have erected Napoleon into this strategic genius. And he does a very convincing job of showing that what goes on on the battlefield has nothing whatsoever to do with what Napoleon or anyone else who is wearing a general's ebullience or theorists hat says. And also, and in this sense, one could see him as the beginning of subaltern history of social science, he's telling the story—admittedly about aristocrats, not commoners—but he's telling the story of ordinary people on the battlefield, not the people making the decisions. So the war is in a way a background to the lives of the people, focusing our attention a very humanist way, on people. This, too, is revolutionary for his time.
Professor Richard Ned Lebow Professor of International Political Theory at the Department of War Studies, King's College London and James O. Freedman Presidential Professor Emeritus at Dartmouth College. He is also a Bye-Fellow of Pembroke College, University of Cambridge. He has taught strategy and the National and Naval War Colleges and served as a scholar-in-residence in the Central Intelligence Agency during the Carter administration. He has authored and edited 28 books and nearly 200 peer reviewed articles.
Related links
Read the first chapter of Lebow's The Tragic Vision of Politics (2003) here (pdf) Read Lebow & Kelly's Thucydides and Hegemony: Athens and the United States (Review of International Studies 2001), here (pdf) Read Lebow's Deterrence and Reassurance: Lessons from the Cold War (Global Dialogue 2001) here (pdf) Read Lebow's The Long Peace, the End of the Cold War, and the Failure of Realism (International Organization, 1994) here (pdf) Read Lebow's The Cuban Missile Crisis: Reading the Lessons Correctly (Political Science Quarterly 1983) here (pdf)
Cultural heritage, understood as the selection of sites or cultural manifestations transmitted for future generations, is rooted in the nationalist projects of states during European modernity. After the terrible consequences of the world wars this conservation model was universalized searching to preserve the heritage of mankind and supporting, at the same time, the construction of a liberal international order. Since then, international organizations have sought to direct efforts towards this goal. In 1972 the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage emerged as a result of discussions at the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This convention was concerned about the deterioration or disappearance of cultural or natural heritage, something viewed as harmful and an impoverishment of the heritage of all the nations of the world. This is why the agreement summoned the states to participate in the protection of world heritage of outstanding universal value, by cultivating collective cooperation and assistance. A list of monuments and sites that form part of world heritage was established, in terms of aesthetic, historical, artistic or scientific criteria. However, over time, in the selection process of world heritage sites disputes and power asymmetries have arisen between countries around the control of space. This problem can be analyzed through Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches, spanning the historical changes and current critical debates about heritage, as well as the political processes of narratives, metaphors and social image constructions around territory. We propose that nominating a territory as a world heritage site generates its alienation. That is, states absorb local territories (understood as a social construct) into dominant national narratives and images, subsequently, countries consolidate their appropriation by enlisting their nationalized territories within the meta-narrative of world heritage. In this process, countries must participate in a highly politicized and structurally unequal international negotiation that reproduces spatial hierarchies. Ultimately, these local territories and practices suffer a process of assimilation into the allegory of world heritage. With this in mind, the aim of this study is to analyze the territorial alienation of properties inscribed on the World Heritage List by Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries as a case study. This alienation occurs because, given the conditions of UNESCO, the countries of the region must adopt an artificial set of categories, typologies and narratives, absorbing or denying other territorial practices. This paper is divided in two sections. The first section gives a brief overview of world heritage origins centered on national projects within a specific European context, and explains Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches. A discussion of the evolution of world heritage categories and symbolic aspects of power is reviewed, highlighting the imposition of historical narratives in official documents, the reproduction of aesthetic codes and the construction of imaginaries around the past of territories. The second section analyses the particular case of the World Heritage List in Latin America and the Caribbean. In order to study territorial alienations, methodologically we review countries ratifications of the 1972 convention, the total number of sites, obstacles in international negotiations, narratives, as well as historical events commemorated by the world heritage officially recognized in this part of the planet. The inscription of a site on the World Heritage List requires a nomination file. We used the UNESCO's files to detect these historical narratives and discourses. Some conclusions are drawn, our findings would seem to show that world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean are underrepresented compared to Europe and North America. In addition, these sites are geographically concentrated in South America, with the Caribbean as the least favored sub-region. At the beginning, countries were reluctant to ratify the 1972 convention due to the prevailing Cold War context, but gradually all countries in the region accepted the commitment. States like Mexico top the List of World Heritage sites, but others have no sites recognized; differences in the number of sites registered by the countries do not only stem from their geographical attributes and their historical past, but also because of the political, technical and economic potential to participate in diplomatic negotiations at UNESCO. Arguments for inscribing a site as world heritage in this region highlights the relevance of natural and exotic places. This looks like a continuity of dominant imperialist narratives during the conquest and colonization of the continent America. The separation between natural and cultural world heritage is an artificial division adopted, but contrary to some local traditions in the region. The arrival of Europeans to Latin America has been established as a time marker used for example to talk about "pre-Columbian" cultures. In any case, few sites commemorate pre-Columbian civilizations, with the exception of the Mayas and the Incas, which contrasts with the cultural diversity and traditional groups that are not part of these dominant versions of the past. It may be assumed that in historical commemorations of world heritage sites in this region, the colonial past is notoriously overvalued and magnified; that is, it is presented as a favorable stage indicating a kind of cultural sophistication for indigenous people. Amazingly, territories essential to fulfilling their goal of extracting natural resources for the European settlers are now uncritically recognized as world heritage (for example mining centers, plantations, seaports or strategic villages). Similarly, cultural sites of Roman Catholic Christianity are evoked as a favorable contribution for the historical regional memory, but denying impositions around the conflictive and complex process of evangelization; in the same way other religions and beliefs are omitted. There are many colonial sites enlisted as world heritage but very few referring to the modern history of the region, significantly reformist narratives are absent: independence movements, abolition of slavery or contemporary indigenous and black population claims are not raised. In summary, these results suggest that, from a critical perspective, the world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean allow dominant relations to continue through values of European origin, selective historical narratives and illusory images as a colonized region. As long as other relevant regional historical events or social actors are ignored, the regional past and cultural heritage will be incomplete. The region reaffirms its peripheral and subordinated position in the international system through historical narratives acritically adopted. Latin American and Caribbean territories are more than exotic landscapes and places of colonial splendor for tourism. Analyzing world heritage from a critical perspective is a way to re-center the territory as a key axis in this dynamic and to recognize other memories and spatial relations. ; La acumulación de un patrimonio cultural, como una selección de bienes o manifestaciones sociales transmitida sucesivamente para generaciones futuras, se origina en los proyectos nacionalistas de los estados durante la modernidad, principalmente en un contexto europeo. Más adelante, con las funestas consecuencias de las guerras mundiales, este modelo se universaliza para tratar de conformar un patrimonio común a toda la humanidad. A partir de entonces, instituciones internacionales como la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO) han buscado dirigir los esfuerzos hacia este fin, de manera central a través de la Convención del Patrimonio Mundial de 1972. Sin embargo, la participación en estos mecanismos está fuertemente politizada y centrada en las capacidades e intereses nacionales de los países, por lo que prevalece una supeditación a estrategias geopolíticas alrededor de la figura estatal. Siguiendo este supuesto, el presente artículo busca analizar críticamente las propiedades del patrimonio mundial enlistadas según lo marcado por la convención de 1972 en el caso particular de América Latina y el Caribe (ALyC), esto desde la perspectiva teórica de la geopolítica crítica. El artículo se compone de dos secciones: en la primera se traza el origen histórico y estatista del patrimonio mundial, abordando los aportes de la teoría crítica del patrimonio y de la geopolítica crítica para estudiar este fenómeno; en la segunda se aborda particularmente la región de ALyC, revisando metodológicamente los procesos de inscripción, tipología, distribución y justificaciones del valor universal excepcional de las propiedades del patrimonio mundial en esta zona del planeta. Considerando que en las luchas interestatales influyen narrativas, imágenes y metáforas para imponer representaciones simbólicas dominantes del espacio, se propone que el patrimonio mundial es una metanarrativa que puede favorecer la alienación de territorios. Esto porque formas sociales de significar, usar y producir un territorio localmente son absorbidas por una memoria histórica nacional, en un primer momento, y alienadas más adelante dentro de un ideal patrimonial de apariencia universal, pero naturaleza selectiva. En esta alienación la imposición de versiones oficiales de la historia, valoraciones con categorías exógenas y alegorías son impuestas institucionalmente, lo cual puede reproducir una jerarquización espacial con centros y periferias. Se concluye que en el patrimonio mundial que se ubica en la región latinoamericana, pese a un proceso tardío de adhesión por desconfianza inicial a la convención de 1972, prevalece una subrepresentación frente a otras regiones del mundo, permean deficiencias estructurales entre países que impiden participar igualitariamente en los órganos decisorios y se presenta una forzada adopción de categorías patrimoniales que propicia una reproducción acrítica de narrativas históricas bajo cánones valorativos europeos. El resultado final es que muchos de estos territorios sufren un proceso de alienación donde se separa en forma artificial la relación entre ser humano y naturaleza, se menosprecia a las culturas originarias y se sobrevalora el legado del pasado colonial europeo, así como del cristianismo católico, lo cual repite una tradición extractivista y periférica de la región, absorbiendo o negando otras relaciones territoriales del pasado y presente.
АНОТАЦІЯСпис О. А. Пізній протестантизм в Україні в процесі пострадянських внутрішньо-інституційних суспільних трансформаційСтаття присвячена дослідженню характеру, напрямів та динаміки інституалізаційних змін пізнього протестантизму в процесі трансформації українського суспільства. Виснувано, що зміст еволюції пізнопротестантських спільнот в Україні в перші півтора десятиліття функціонування в умовах релігійної свободи визначає їх послідовна інституалізація та десектанізація.Виявлено і досліджено зміни в процесі внутрішньоінституційних трансформацій, а також з'ясовано специфіку адаптивної здатності пізнього протестантизму до нових соціальних, політичних і культурних реалій українського соціуму.Протестантизм в пострадянській Україні продемонстрував не просто живучість, а "влився" в українську релігійність, що вже на початку 90-их років минулого століття промовисто засвідчила поява на релігійній карті Україні значної кількості церков протестантського напряму та їх бажання взяти участь у реєстрації. Перші півтора десятиліття релігійної свободи докорінно змінило обличчя українського протестантизму, трансформаційні зміни в якому з одного боку, дозволили вивести український протестантизм на магістралі тіснішої взаємодії зі світовою протестантською спільнотою, а з іншого – спричинили перегляд тих принципів, на яких стояла протестантська церква в період атеїстичної доби.Встановлено, що найважливішими принципами, за допомогою яких українському протестантизму вдалося "вижити" в атеїстичний період, були такі: тенденція до самоізольованості, концепція домашньої церкви, суворе дотримання принципу "Sola Scriptura", конфесійна винятковість, підтримка зв'язків із західною спільнотою, психологічний чинник. Тенденція до самоізольованості змушена була поступитися процесу "розгерметизації", за яким по суті сектантські утворення набули церковного статусу. До того ж із причини активного поповнення церков людьми "зі світу" концепція "домашньої церкви" втрачала свою актуальність; а необхідність багатьох, і насамперед фінансово-матеріальних та кадрових потреб детермінувала більш тісні зв'язки зі світовим протестантизмом; що також переживав активний вплив глобалізаційних процесів сучасності і відповідно зазнав неминучих змін. З'ясовано, що на шляху інституалізаційного становлення, в період переходу від підконтрольної, "підпільної" і напівпідпільної діяльності до відкритої в умовах демократичного розвитку, українські протестанти зіткнулися з цілою низкою проблем, які можна поділити на три групи. До першої належать ті проблеми, які стали типовими для всіх протестантських конфесій. До другої групи – протиріччя, які властиві лише певним деномінаціям – традиційним протестантам або неопротестантам. Третю групу становлять міжконфесійні протиріччя, які виникли між традиційними і – умовно – новими протестантами.Проблеми, з якими зіткнулася протестантська спільнота на шляху подолання свідомості "гетто", а також у зв'язку з гострим "дефіцитом" кадрів; несформованістю інституту лідерства, необхідністю самозбереження традицій, фінансовою залежністю від зарубіжних центрів та неконкурентноспроможністю світським ЗМІ через півтора десятиліття релігійної свободи поволі почали знаходити позитивне вирішення. Проте Церква стала перед новою, і як з'ясувалося найсерйознішою загрозою, секуляризаційною хвилею, захист від якої стало нагальним завданням як традиційних, так і нових протестантських громад.Ключові слова: пізній протестантизм, традиційні протестанти, неопротестанти, релігійна свобода, еволюція пізньопротестантських спільнот, інституційні трансформації, релігійно-суспільні зміни, десектанізація.АННОТАЦИЯСпис О. А. Поздний протестантизм в Украине в процессе постсоветских внутриинституционных общественных трансформацийСтатья посвящена исследованию характера, направлений и динамики институциональных изменений позднего протестантизма в процессе трансформации украинского общества 90-ты гг. ХХ – начало XXI вв. Сделан вывод, что содержание эволюции позднепротестантских сообществ в Украине в первые полтора десятилетия функционирования в условиях религиозной свободы определяет их последовательная институализация и десектанизация.Обнаружено и исследовано изменения в процессе внутриинституциональных трансформаций, а также выяснена специфика адаптивной способности позднего протестантизма к новым социальным, политических и культурным реалиям украинского социума.Протестантизм в постсоветской Украине продемонстрировал не просто живучесть, а "влился" в украинскую религиозность, что уже в начале девяностых годов прошлого века красноречиво показало появление на религиозной карте Украины значительное количество церквей протестантского направления и их желание принять участие в регистрации. Первые полтора десятилетия религиозной свободы в корне изменило лицо украинского протестантизма, трансформационные изменения в котором, с одной стороны, позволили вывести украинский протестантизм на магистрали более тесного взаимодействия с мировой протестантской общиной, а с другой – вызвали пересмотр тех принципов, на которых стояла протестантская церковь в период атеистической эпохи.Установлено, что важнейшими принципами, с помощью которых украинскому протестантизму удалось "выжить" в атеистический период, были следующие: тенденция к самоизоляции, концепция домашней церкви, строгое соблюдение принципа "Sola Scriptura", конфессиональная исключительность, поддержка связей с западным сообществом, психологический фактор.Тенденция к самоизоляции вынуждена была уступить процессу "разгерметизации", согласно которому, по сути, сектантские образования получили церковный статус. К тому же, по причине активного пополнения церквей людьми "из мира" концепция "домашней церкви" теряла свою актуальность; а необходимость многих, и прежде всего финансово-материальных и кадровых потребностей детерминировала более тесные связи с мировым протестантизмом; что также переживал активное воздействие глобализационных процессов современности и соответственно получил неизбежные изменение.Установлено, что на пути институализационных становлений, в период перехода от подконтрольной, "подпольной" и полуподпольной деятельности в открытых условиях демократического развития, украинские протестанты столкнулись с целым рядом проблем, которые можно разделить на три группы.К первой относятся те проблемы, которые стали типичными для всех протестантских конфессий. Ко второй группе - противоречия, присущие только определенным деноминациям - традиционным протестантам или неопротестантам. Третью группу составляют межконфессиональные противоречия, которые возникли между традиционными и - условно - новыми протестантами.Проблемы, с которыми столкнулась протестантская община на пути преодоления сознания "гетто", а также в связи с острым "дефицитом" кадров; несформированностью института лидерства, необходимостью самосохранения традиций, финансовой зависимости от зарубежных центров и неконкурентноспособность светским СМИ через полтора десятилетия религиозной свободы медленно начали находить положительное решение. Однако Церковь стала перед новой, и как выяснилось, серьезной угрозой, волны секуляризаци, защита от которой стало насущной задачей как традиционных, так и новых протестантских общин.Установлено, что наряду с задачей обращения людей в церковь "из мира" перед украинским протестантизмом, как и перед всем христианством III тысячелетия, открывается новая работа - "внутренняя миссия", которая заключается в том, что центром благовестия становится не только «мир», который не знает Христа, но и так называемое "номинальное" христианство.Эпоха постмодернизма и религиозной свободы в стране заставляет украинских протестантов расставить правильные акценты в определении "первичное-вторичное», без чего протестантская церковь, что всегда руководствовалась принципами "Sola Fide" и "Sola Scriptura", может в обозримой перспективе потерять статус "соли земли".Ключевые слова: поздний протестантизм, традиционные протестанты, неопротестанты, религиозная свобода, эволюция позднепротестантских общин, институционные трансформации, религиозно-общественные перемены, десектанизация.SUMMARYO.A. Spys. Sociopolitical and sociocultural challenges of Ukrainian independence period within institutional formation of Late Protestant Communities of Ukraine This article investigates character, tendency and dynamic of institutional changes of Late Protestantism in the process of Ukrainian society transformation during the 1990s ХХ – early XXI.It is concluded that presence of evolution in Late Protestant Ukrainian communities in the first fifteen years of functioning in religious liberty environment determines their sequential institutionalization and de-sectanization. Changes in the process of internal institutional transformation were disclosed and investigated so as the specifics of adaptive capacity of Late Protestantism to the new social, political and cultural realities of the Ukrainian society.Ukrainian Protestantism in post-Soviet period has demonstrated its strong survivance and became integrated in the Ukrainian religiosity. As a result considerable number of Protestant churches has appeared on the religious map of Ukraine and participated in the official registration in the early nineties of the last century. The image of Ukrainian Protestantism was radically changed by first fifteen years of religious liberty. On the one hand its transformative changes leaded to more close synergy between Ukrainian and world's Protestant community, on the other hand, caused the revision of the Protestant church principles in atheistic period.The essential principles which helped Ukrainian Protestantism to "survive" in the atheistic period were: the tendency to self-isolation, the home church concept, the strict observance of the principle of "Sola Scriptura", denominational exceptionality, support of communicational connection with the Western community and psychological factor. The tendency to self-isolation was forced to give way to the process of "decompression", according to which, in fact, sectarian education received ecclesiastical status. Furthermore, concept of "house church" has lost its relevance due to active accession of the churches with the outside world people, while the financial and personnel needs determined closer connection with the world's Protestantism, which in its turn experienced an active influence of globalization processes of modernity and accordingly received the inevitable changes. It is specified that on the way of institutionalization formations during the transition period from controlled, "clandestine" and the semi-clandestine activity in conditions of opened democratic development Ukrainian protesters have faced a number of problems, which can be divided in three groups. First group includes problems that have become most typical for all Protestant denominations. Second group includes the contradictions only inherent in certain denominations – Orthodox Protestants or Neo-Protestants. Third group consists of interdominational conflicts between Orthodox and nominally new Protestants. Problems faced by Protestant community in overcoming the consciousness of "ghetto", as well as with the severe " shortage " of staff, regosolic Leadership Institute, liability for preservation of traditions, financial dependence on foreign centers, uncompetitiveness against secular media slowly arrived to a positive solution in one and a half decades of religious freedom. However, the Church faced new more serious threat of secularization, the maintenance of which has become an urgent task of both Orthodox and new Protestant communities. Along with the task of proselyting outside world people Ukrainian Protestantism, as well as the whole Christianity of the III millennium faces new task, "Internal Mission", which involves the fact that the center of the Annunciation is not only "the world" which does not know Christ, but also so called "nominal" Christianity.The era of postmodernism and religious freedom in the country makes the Ukrainian Protestants to highlight key points in the definition of "primary - secondary" otherwise the Protestant Church that has always been guided by the principles of "Sola Fide" and "Sola Scriptura", may lose its status of "salt of the earth" in prospect.Key words: Late Protestantism, Orthodox Protestants, Neo-Protestants, religious liberty, evolution of Late Protestant communities, institutional transformation, religious social changes, de-sectanization.
АНОТАЦІЯСпис О. А. Пізній протестантизм в Україні в процесі пострадянських внутрішньо-інституційних суспільних трансформаційСтаття присвячена дослідженню характеру, напрямів та динаміки інституалізаційних змін пізнього протестантизму в процесі трансформації українського суспільства. Виснувано, що зміст еволюції пізнопротестантських спільнот в Україні в перші півтора десятиліття функціонування в умовах релігійної свободи визначає їх послідовна інституалізація та десектанізація.Виявлено і досліджено зміни в процесі внутрішньоінституційних трансформацій, а також з'ясовано специфіку адаптивної здатності пізнього протестантизму до нових соціальних, політичних і культурних реалій українського соціуму.Протестантизм в пострадянській Україні продемонстрував не просто живучість, а "влився" в українську релігійність, що вже на початку 90-их років минулого століття промовисто засвідчила поява на релігійній карті Україні значної кількості церков протестантського напряму та їх бажання взяти участь у реєстрації. Перші півтора десятиліття релігійної свободи докорінно змінило обличчя українського протестантизму, трансформаційні зміни в якому з одного боку, дозволили вивести український протестантизм на магістралі тіснішої взаємодії зі світовою протестантською спільнотою, а з іншого – спричинили перегляд тих принципів, на яких стояла протестантська церква в період атеїстичної доби.Встановлено, що найважливішими принципами, за допомогою яких українському протестантизму вдалося "вижити" в атеїстичний період, були такі: тенденція до самоізольованості, концепція домашньої церкви, суворе дотримання принципу "Sola Scriptura", конфесійна винятковість, підтримка зв'язків із західною спільнотою, психологічний чинник. Тенденція до самоізольованості змушена була поступитися процесу "розгерметизації", за яким по суті сектантські утворення набули церковного статусу. До того ж із причини активного поповнення церков людьми "зі світу" концепція "домашньої церкви" втрачала свою актуальність; а необхідність багатьох, і насамперед фінансово-матеріальних та кадрових потреб детермінувала більш тісні зв'язки зі світовим протестантизмом; що також переживав активний вплив глобалізаційних процесів сучасності і відповідно зазнав неминучих змін. З'ясовано, що на шляху інституалізаційного становлення, в період переходу від підконтрольної, "підпільної" і напівпідпільної діяльності до відкритої в умовах демократичного розвитку, українські протестанти зіткнулися з цілою низкою проблем, які можна поділити на три групи. До першої належать ті проблеми, які стали типовими для всіх протестантських конфесій. До другої групи – протиріччя, які властиві лише певним деномінаціям – традиційним протестантам або неопротестантам. Третю групу становлять міжконфесійні протиріччя, які виникли між традиційними і – умовно – новими протестантами.Проблеми, з якими зіткнулася протестантська спільнота на шляху подолання свідомості "гетто", а також у зв'язку з гострим "дефіцитом" кадрів; несформованістю інституту лідерства, необхідністю самозбереження традицій, фінансовою залежністю від зарубіжних центрів та неконкурентноспроможністю світським ЗМІ через півтора десятиліття релігійної свободи поволі почали знаходити позитивне вирішення. Проте Церква стала перед новою, і як з'ясувалося найсерйознішою загрозою, секуляризаційною хвилею, захист від якої стало нагальним завданням як традиційних, так і нових протестантських громад.Ключові слова: пізній протестантизм, традиційні протестанти, неопротестанти, релігійна свобода, еволюція пізньопротестантських спільнот, інституційні трансформації, релігійно-суспільні зміни, десектанізація.АННОТАЦИЯСпис О. А. Поздний протестантизм в Украине в процессе постсоветских внутриинституционных общественных трансформацийСтатья посвящена исследованию характера, направлений и динамики институциональных изменений позднего протестантизма в процессе трансформации украинского общества 90-ты гг. ХХ – начало XXI вв. Сделан вывод, что содержание эволюции позднепротестантских сообществ в Украине в первые полтора десятилетия функционирования в условиях религиозной свободы определяет их последовательная институализация и десектанизация.Обнаружено и исследовано изменения в процессе внутриинституциональных трансформаций, а также выяснена специфика адаптивной способности позднего протестантизма к новым социальным, политических и культурным реалиям украинского социума.Протестантизм в постсоветской Украине продемонстрировал не просто живучесть, а "влился" в украинскую религиозность, что уже в начале девяностых годов прошлого века красноречиво показало появление на религиозной карте Украины значительное количество церквей протестантского направления и их желание принять участие в регистрации. Первые полтора десятилетия религиозной свободы в корне изменило лицо украинского протестантизма, трансформационные изменения в котором, с одной стороны, позволили вывести украинский протестантизм на магистрали более тесного взаимодействия с мировой протестантской общиной, а с другой – вызвали пересмотр тех принципов, на которых стояла протестантская церковь в период атеистической эпохи.Установлено, что важнейшими принципами, с помощью которых украинскому протестантизму удалось "выжить" в атеистический период, были следующие: тенденция к самоизоляции, концепция домашней церкви, строгое соблюдение принципа "Sola Scriptura", конфессиональная исключительность, поддержка связей с западным сообществом, психологический фактор.Тенденция к самоизоляции вынуждена была уступить процессу "разгерметизации", согласно которому, по сути, сектантские образования получили церковный статус. К тому же, по причине активного пополнения церквей людьми "из мира" концепция "домашней церкви" теряла свою актуальность; а необходимость многих, и прежде всего финансово-материальных и кадровых потребностей детерминировала более тесные связи с мировым протестантизмом; что также переживал активное воздействие глобализационных процессов современности и соответственно получил неизбежные изменение.Установлено, что на пути институализационных становлений, в период перехода от подконтрольной, "подпольной" и полуподпольной деятельности в открытых условиях демократического развития, украинские протестанты столкнулись с целым рядом проблем, которые можно разделить на три группы.К первой относятся те проблемы, которые стали типичными для всех протестантских конфессий. Ко второй группе - противоречия, присущие только определенным деноминациям - традиционным протестантам или неопротестантам. Третью группу составляют межконфессиональные противоречия, которые возникли между традиционными и - условно - новыми протестантами.Проблемы, с которыми столкнулась протестантская община на пути преодоления сознания "гетто", а также в связи с острым "дефицитом" кадров; несформированностью института лидерства, необходимостью самосохранения традиций, финансовой зависимости от зарубежных центров и неконкурентноспособность светским СМИ через полтора десятилетия религиозной свободы медленно начали находить положительное решение. Однако Церковь стала перед новой, и как выяснилось, серьезной угрозой, волны секуляризаци, защита от которой стало насущной задачей как традиционных, так и новых протестантских общин.Установлено, что наряду с задачей обращения людей в церковь "из мира" перед украинским протестантизмом, как и перед всем христианством III тысячелетия, открывается новая работа - "внутренняя миссия", которая заключается в том, что центром благовестия становится не только «мир», который не знает Христа, но и так называемое "номинальное" христианство.Эпоха постмодернизма и религиозной свободы в стране заставляет украинских протестантов расставить правильные акценты в определении "первичное-вторичное», без чего протестантская церковь, что всегда руководствовалась принципами "Sola Fide" и "Sola Scriptura", может в обозримой перспективе потерять статус "соли земли".Ключевые слова: поздний протестантизм, традиционные протестанты, неопротестанты, религиозная свобода, эволюция позднепротестантских общин, институционные трансформации, религиозно-общественные перемены, десектанизация.SUMMARYO.A. Spys. Sociopolitical and sociocultural challenges of Ukrainian independence period within institutional formation of Late Protestant Communities of Ukraine This article investigates character, tendency and dynamic of institutional changes of Late Protestantism in the process of Ukrainian society transformation during the 1990s ХХ – early XXI.It is concluded that presence of evolution in Late Protestant Ukrainian communities in the first fifteen years of functioning in religious liberty environment determines their sequential institutionalization and de-sectanization. Changes in the process of internal institutional transformation were disclosed and investigated so as the specifics of adaptive capacity of Late Protestantism to the new social, political and cultural realities of the Ukrainian society.Ukrainian Protestantism in post-Soviet period has demonstrated its strong survivance and became integrated in the Ukrainian religiosity. As a result considerable number of Protestant churches has appeared on the religious map of Ukraine and participated in the official registration in the early nineties of the last century. The image of Ukrainian Protestantism was radically changed by first fifteen years of religious liberty. On the one hand its transformative changes leaded to more close synergy between Ukrainian and world's Protestant community, on the other hand, caused the revision of the Protestant church principles in atheistic period.The essential principles which helped Ukrainian Protestantism to "survive" in the atheistic period were: the tendency to self-isolation, the home church concept, the strict observance of the principle of "Sola Scriptura", denominational exceptionality, support of communicational connection with the Western community and psychological factor. The tendency to self-isolation was forced to give way to the process of "decompression", according to which, in fact, sectarian education received ecclesiastical status. Furthermore, concept of "house church" has lost its relevance due to active accession of the churches with the outside world people, while the financial and personnel needs determined closer connection with the world's Protestantism, which in its turn experienced an active influence of globalization processes of modernity and accordingly received the inevitable changes. It is specified that on the way of institutionalization formations during the transition period from controlled, "clandestine" and the semi-clandestine activity in conditions of opened democratic development Ukrainian protesters have faced a number of problems, which can be divided in three groups. First group includes problems that have become most typical for all Protestant denominations. Second group includes the contradictions only inherent in certain denominations – Orthodox Protestants or Neo-Protestants. Third group consists of interdominational conflicts between Orthodox and nominally new Protestants. Problems faced by Protestant community in overcoming the consciousness of "ghetto", as well as with the severe " shortage " of staff, regosolic Leadership Institute, liability for preservation of traditions, financial dependence on foreign centers, uncompetitiveness against secular media slowly arrived to a positive solution in one and a half decades of religious freedom. However, the Church faced new more serious threat of secularization, the maintenance of which has become an urgent task of both Orthodox and new Protestant communities. Along with the task of proselyting outside world people Ukrainian Protestantism, as well as the whole Christianity of the III millennium faces new task, "Internal Mission", which involves the fact that the center of the Annunciation is not only "the world" which does not know Christ, but also so called "nominal" Christianity.The era of postmodernism and religious freedom in the country makes the Ukrainian Protestants to highlight key points in the definition of "primary - secondary" otherwise the Protestant Church that has always been guided by the principles of "Sola Fide" and "Sola Scriptura", may lose its status of "salt of the earth" in prospect.Key words: Late Protestantism, Orthodox Protestants, Neo-Protestants, religious liberty, evolution of Late Protestant communities, institutional transformation, religious social changes, de-sectanization.
In the light of youth unemployment and increased transnational mobility practice oriented vocational education and training get more and more importance in the international cooperation in education. There is a broad consensus among educational experts, that one of the possible measures to reduce youth unemployment in the world is to provide youth skills and competences, which are needed on the labour market. The school based vocational education needs to be updated with practical skills. The fundament of each practice oriented vocational education and training system (VET) lays in the cooperation between the main actors: the enterprises and vocational schools. Dual systems in countries as Germany, Switzerland and Austria offer many good practice examples on the benefits of the engagements of both actors in the vocational education and training system but nevertheless these examples cannot be taken as "one model fits all" which can be implemented in each country. Therefore each country interested in the redesign of their own vocational education and training system needs to identify possible benefits of and challenges in their system, to be able to specify the opportunities and threat for future development. It cannot be presumed that enterprises can be forced to take apprentices and train them in their facilities. It has to be evident for every educational actor willing to cooperate with enterprises, that enterprises first strive for growth in profits upon others to be able to secure their existence and secondly they may support additional, non-economic activities; for example the vocational education and training of future employee. Although to ensuring the quality of future employees may partly be seen as their social responsibility this fact will still depend on their economic situation and their need for skilled labour. However, making profit does not collide with the idea of the engagement of enterprises in the vocational education and training. It only needs an in depth-analysis of potentials and needs of enterprises and vocational schools and an adequate planning as well as development of the educational programs and activities. The following example on the PR China delivers many interesting basic approaches on how cooperation between enterprises and vocational schools can be built up, managed and preserved. Thanks to the over thirty years of multilateral cooperation between der PR China and other European and Asian countries, the PR China already knows what is needed to modernize the vocational education and training system. Further education of teachers, redevelopment of curriculums and the redesign of the infrastructure of the vocational schools are those activities, which enriched the Chinese vocational education and training system in the last thirty years. There is still backwardness in the economically weak part of the country but within the "go-west-strategy" of the government innovative measures are offered for enterprises to foster the development of the western region; for example cut red tape or tax and duty exemptions. In the course of the bureaucracy development of the east-southeast part of the country and through the increased perception of the country in the international business the quality of labour become more relevant also for the PR China. Products with low-value-added and unskilled labour were not sufficient anymore for the competitiveness of the country in the international environment. More and more enterprises realised the shortage of qualified labour because of the rise of progressing technology and of the availability of qualified labour. The commitment to quality in the vocational education and training laid on the market orientation and therefore on the establishment of cooperation between enterprises and vocational schools. The PR China can consequently show good practice examples from cooperation in the vocational education after more than thirty years of learning from other countries. The constructive element of these cooperation was identified by the actors as the consensus about the mutual benefit of cooperative activities. Although there are many good practices in the cooperation, nevertheless, more persuasiveness is still needed for continuous fostering of quality in the vocational education and training. The cooperation is not only influenced by the interest, need and the level of cooperation between enterprises and vocational schools, but the nature of the directives of the government are crucial for the cooperation too. For example, the decentralized implementation of the directives of the government may endanger the uneven development and quality assurance in vocational training. The transfer of responsibility of the state in the hands of the provinces ensures on the one side more freedom for provinces, for instance, it allows them to adapt the vocational education and training to their specific needs and to implement it to local circumstances. This means, to offer labour market oriented vocational education and training. On the other side it needs in the context of quality assurance to archive the knowledge gained through the fragmented implementation. This implies, that already developed teaching and learning materials should not get lost but it should be used as synergies and transfer these to other provinces, schools or enterprises. One of the exemplary efforts made by good situated "model vocational schools" is their willingness to overtake a sponsorship for other less developed vocational schools that are located mostly in the western region. Previously mentioned schools support the improvement of the teaching quality of latter mentioned schools and help them especially in the initial phase of the redevelopment of their teaching and training system. More concrete, "school sponsorships" allow to share knowledge, experience or to share technical equipment. The further education of teachers, the establishment of training facilities, the adaptation of curriculum to the labour market needs leave space for the consideration of local needs on the one side, and the dynamics of market development on the other side. It is only possible to take over responsibility for less developed schools, if there is financial support through the government too. School sponsorship is mostly subject to model schools therefore there is a significant need for recognition and promotion of education activities of these model schools. The high dynamic of the labour market in developing regions may cause challenges in the cooperation between vocational schools and enterprises, especially in the time of recession. If the cooperation with a vocational school gives rise to concern because of the limited time, personal availability or financial support in the enterprises, than the support of enterprises may decrease. Therefore the model schools strive to mobilise all actors, ask for financial and material benefits during the time of economic growth to be able to implement those benefits targeted and lay a solid fundament for the performance of less developed schools. This fundament may consist of well-educated vocational teachers, well-equipped training facilities as well as practice oriented curricula. A solid basis allows vocational schools in a economically weak period to use previous investments and benefits. Additional created supplementary services, as further educational offers for enterprise employees, well-educated vocational teachers as consulters by building up of new production lines or by doing research on the effectiveness of human resources, are examples for reserves to bear itself. The redefinition of the role of vocational schools as "service providers" in a wide sense, allows setting quality standards in relation with the pedagogical requirements and economical needs in the vocational education and training. The school administration and teachers need to be equipped with additional management skills in addition to their educational and professional skills to be able to initiate, build and maintain cooperation systematically and analytically. Enterprises need to be aware of taking responsibility for future skilled labour while cooperating with vocational schools. The openness of enterprises for cooperation allows determining one's potential within vocational education and training and look for benefits for both actors. It is necessary for a successful cooperation to be a "win-win" situation, so the motivation for all parties should be maintained. Finally each cooperation needs competent teachers, well equipped training facilities also strategic planning (AIOC-strategy) in sense of analysis of initial situation and the possibilities for the implementation of practical vocational education and training, optimisation of available capacities and resources, the interdependence of responsibilities and competences of both actors, and the consolidation of pedagogical quality criteria under economic premises. The PR China has tried in the past thirty years to modernize its vocational education and training system; this happened mostly in the technical occupations. The challenge for the future will be to do the same effort for the service occupations. The reform and open-door policy of the Chinese government since the 1970s brings many opportunities not only for the economy, but also for the society. The rapid development in the technically based fields brought the anticipated economic upswing and leads the PR China from a development country to the second biggest economy in the world. Now, the current government aims more to increase the life standard of the Chinese and strengthen the domestic consumption than to focus on industry production. Through the emerging middle class the quality and necessity of services gain higher importance in the society and it is seen as an integral part of increasing their quality of life. Chinas new generation remained from the destructive revolutions of the 1960s and 1970s, which have slowed down the development in the country. It has now in hand to bring together identity of the country with its traditions and modernity not only outwardly in the perception of the world, but to strengthen it also in the Chinese society.
Il tema centrale della presente tesi è lo studio della relazione tra la pianificazione di un territorio turistico e gli elementi del territorio e del paesaggio che lo compongono, attraverso un caso di studio paradigmatico di turismo d'élite, la Costa Smeralda nell'isola della Sardegna. La Costa Smeralda, inventata nel 1962 su un territorio anteriormente vergine da un gruppo di personaggi dell'alta finanza il cui protagonista fu il Principe Karim Aga Khan, rappresenta un caso unico nell'Italia degli anni '60 di pianificazione e gestione unitaria in forma consortile di tremila ettari di terreno con finalità turistiche. Il processo di costruzione del paesaggio e dello spazio turistico nella Costa Smeralda è messo in relazione con i seguenti temi: - il contesto italiano del secondo dopoguerra, in conflitto tra recupero della tradizione e l'innovazione del movimento moderno; - l'invenzione di un immaginario esotico-mediterraneo come base per la fondazione della Costa Smeralda e la singolarità delle modalità di avvio della località turistica d'élite; - il diverso approccio al progetto turistico riscontrato nelle diverse fasi della costruzione della Costa Smeralda e legato alla provenienza dei progettisti, porta a definire gli elementi prioritari per la costruzione del paesaggio turistico a diversa scala. Del continuo processo di costruzione della Costa Smeralda, dal 1962 a oggi, la tesi si concentra nel primo ventennio, dal quale emergono gli aspetti più interessanti di questo territorio: - la prima fase d'invenzione e avvio della Costa Smeralda, dai primi anni '60 ai primi anni '70, è realizzata in totale assenza di normativa in materia di pianificazione e paesaggio; l'organo incaricato di redigere un piano di sviluppo globale è il Comitato di Architettura con a capo l'architetto Luigi Vietti; - la seconda fase di consolidamento della località turistica, nel decennio del 1970, vede per la prima volta la presenza di un landscape planner americano, Hideo Sasaki, intervenire in un progetto turistico del Mediterraneo. L'approccio al progetto, la visione a scala territoriale e la suddivisione dell'operazione per fasi, sarà estranea a qualsiasi intervento fino ad allora eseguito. L'analisi dei due diversi approcci al territorio, quello italiano e quello americano, ci porta a definire quali sono stati gli elementi fondamentali del paesaggio che hanno influito sul processo di costruzione del territorio turistico, quali erano le aspettative per un modello di pianificazione estraneo al Mediterraneo e cosa questo ha apportato. Lo studio del caso specifico della Costa Smeralda, che di per sè non è riuscita a raggiungere risultati esemplari nè nel progetto architettonico nè in quello urbano, è tuttavia utile per trarre delle considerazioni generali all'interno del dibattito sull'architettura e pianificazione turistica, riguardo il conflitto tra modernità e tradizione, pittoresco e folclorico, pianificazione sensibile e landscape planning. ; El tema central de la presente tesis es el estudio de la relación entre la planificación de un territorio turístico y los elementos del territorio y del paisaje que lo componen, a través de un caso de estudio paradigmático del turismo de élite, como es la Costa Smeralda en la isla de Cerdeña. La Costa Smeralda, creada en 1962 sobre un territorio anteriormente virgen, por un grupo de actores de las altas finanzas en el cual el protagonista fue el Principe Aga Khan, representa un caso único en Italia de los años 60 de planificación y gestión unitaria en forma de consorcio de tres mil hectáreas de terreno con finalidad turística. El proceso de construcción del paisaje y del espacio turísticos en la Costa Smeralda viene definido a través de la relación de los siguientes temas: -el contexto italiano después de la II Guerra Mundial, en el cual se manifiesta el conflicto entre la recuperación de lo tradicional y la innovación que supuso el movimiento moderno; -la invención de un imaginario exótico y mediterráneo como base para la creación de la Costa Smeralda, y la singularidad del proceso en la configuración para una localidad de élite; -una perspectiva diferente al proyecto turístico durante las diversas fases en la construcción de la Costa Smeralda y la relación con la procedencia de los proyectistas, lleva a definir los elementos prioritarios para la construcción del paisaje turístico a diferentes escalas. Del proceso continuo sobre la configuración de la Cosa Smeralda , desde 1962 hasta hoy, la tesis se concentra en las dos primeras décadas, de las cuales emergen los aspectos más interesantes de este territorio: -la primera fase de intervención de la Costa Smeralda, entre los años 60 y principios de los 70, se desarrolló sin la existencia de normativas en materia de planificación y paisaje; la entidad encargada de restablecer un plan de desarrollo global fue el Comité de Arquitectura bajo la dirección del arquitecto Luigi Vietti; -la segunda fase de consolidación de la localidad turística, durante la década de los 70, por primera vez ve como proyectista un landscape planner americano, Hideo Sasaki, en un proyecto turístico en el Mediterráneo. El planteamiento del proyecto, la visión a escala territorial y la subdivisión de la operación por fases, destacaron sobre cualquiera de la operaciones realizadas hasta el momento. El análisis de los dos enfoques sobre el territorio, el italiano y americano, lleva a definir cuales han sido los elementos fundamentales del paisaje que han influido sobre el proceso de construcción del territorio turístico, cuales eran las expectativas de un modelo de planificación foránea en el mediterráneo, y que supuso este nuevo contexto. El estudio del caso específico de la Costa Smeralda, que en si no implicó una situación ejemplar ni en el proyecto arquitectónico ni urbano, es todavía significativo para extraer consideraciones generales dentro del debate sobre la arquitectura y planificación turística, respecto al conflicto entre la modernidad y tradición, pintoresco y folclórico, planificación más atenta y landscape planning. ; The main topic of this dissertation is the study of the relationship between the planning of a tourist territory and the elements of the land and landscape that make it up. The case study is a paradigmatic example of elite tourism, called Costa Smeralda in the island of Sardinia. The Costa Smeralda was founded in the early 1960s in the north-eastern coast of Sardinia, at a time of great change for tourism. While for the rest of Europe the tourism boom after World War II meant the democratization of the holidays and the spread of mass tourism, Costa Smeralda was founded by Prince Aga Khan in opposition to the other mass tourism destinations fate in the Spanish, Italian and French coasts of the same period. The insular condition and the pristine nature of Costa Smeralda became a symbol of exclusivity, which attracted elite clients looking for a heavenly enclave of luxury tourism in the heart of the Mediterranean. It represented in those years a unique case in Italy of global planning and management of three thousand acres of land through the insitution of a consortium for tourist purposes. The process of construction of Costa Smeralda landscape and tourist space has been related to the following themes: - italian context after World War II, in conflict between the tradition's rediscovery and innovation of modern movement; - the invention of an exotic-mediterranean imagery as base for the construction of Costa Smeralda, and singularity of the operation to iniciate the elite tourism settlement; - the different approach to the landscape held in the different phases of construction and related to the origin of designers, bring us to define priority elements for the construction of tourist landscape at the different scales. The construction of Costa Smeralda has been an ongoing process from 1962 until today. The thesis focuses on the first two decades, from which emerge the most interesting aspects of this territory: - The first stage of invention and launch of the Costa Smeralda, from the early '60s to the early '70s, is made in total absence of planning and landscape legislation; the institution responsible for drawing up a comprehensive development plan was the Architectural Committee, headed by the architect Luigi Vietti; - The second phase of consolidation of the resort, in the decade of 1970, sees for the first time the presence of an American landscape planner, Hideo Sasaki, intervene in a tourism project in the Mediterranean. The approach to the project, the vision of a territorial scale and the subdivision of the operation in stages, were new actions never executed before then. The analysis of the different italian and american approaches to the territory, leads us to define what were the key elements of the landscape that have influenced the process of construction of the tourist territory, what the expectations were from a planning model extraneous to the Mediterranean one and what this has brought. The study of the specific case of the Costa Smeralda, which in itself is not able to achieve exemplary results in either architectural design nor in urban areas, it is instead useful to draw some general conclusions in the debate on architecture and tourism planning, with regard the conflict between modernity and tradition, picturesque and folkloric, sensitive planning and landscape planning. ; Postprint (published version)
Il tema centrale della presente tesi è lo studio della relazione tra la pianificazione di un territorio turistico e gli elementi del territorio e del paesaggio che lo compongono, attraverso un caso di studio paradigmatico di turismo d'élite, la Costa Smeralda nell'isola della Sardegna. La Costa Smeralda, inventata nel 1962 su un territorio anteriormente vergine da un gruppo di personaggi dell'alta finanza il cui protagonista fu il Principe Karim Aga Khan, rappresenta un caso unico nell'Italia degli anni '60 di pianificazione e gestione unitaria in forma consortile di tremila ettari di terreno con finalità turistiche. Il processo di costruzione del paesaggio e dello spazio turistico nella Costa Smeralda è messo in relazione con i seguenti temi: - il contesto italiano del secondo dopoguerra, in conflitto tra recupero della tradizione e l'innovazione del movimento moderno; - l'invenzione di un immaginario esotico-mediterraneo come base per la fondazione della Costa Smeralda e la singolarità delle modalità di avvio della località turistica d'élite; - il diverso approccio al progetto turistico riscontrato nelle diverse fasi della costruzione della Costa Smeralda e legato alla provenienza dei progettisti, porta a definire gli elementi prioritari per la costruzione del paesaggio turistico a diversa scala. Del continuo processo di costruzione della Costa Smeralda, dal 1962 a oggi, la tesi si concentra nel primo ventennio, dal quale emergono gli aspetti più interessanti di questo territorio: - la prima fase d'invenzione e avvio della Costa Smeralda, dai primi anni '60 ai primi anni '70, è realizzata in totale assenza di normativa in materia di pianificazione e paesaggio; l'organo incaricato di redigere un piano di sviluppo globale è il Comitato di Architettura con a capo l'architetto Luigi Vietti; - la seconda fase di consolidamento della località turistica, nel decennio del 1970, vede per la prima volta la presenza di un landscape planner americano, Hideo Sasaki, intervenire in un progetto turistico del Mediterraneo. L'approccio al progetto, la visione a scala territoriale e la suddivisione dell'operazione per fasi, sarà estranea a qualsiasi intervento fino ad allora eseguito. L'analisi dei due diversi approcci al territorio, quello italiano e quello americano, ci porta a definire quali sono stati gli elementi fondamentali del paesaggio che hanno influito sul processo di costruzione del territorio turistico, quali erano le aspettative per un modello di pianificazione estraneo al Mediterraneo e cosa questo ha apportato. Lo studio del caso specifico della Costa Smeralda, che di per sè non è riuscita a raggiungere risultati esemplari nè nel progetto architettonico nè in quello urbano, è tuttavia utile per trarre delle considerazioni generali all'interno del dibattito sull'architettura e pianificazione turistica, riguardo il conflitto tra modernità e tradizione, pittoresco e folclorico, pianificazione sensibile e landscape planning. ; El tema central de la presente tesis es el estudio de la relación entre la planificación de un territorio turístico y los elementos del territorio y del paisaje que lo componen, a través de un caso de estudio paradigmático del turismo de élite, como es la Costa Smeralda en la isla de Cerdeña. La Costa Smeralda, creada en 1962 sobre un territorio anteriormente virgen, por un grupo de actores de las altas finanzas en el cual el protagonista fue el Principe Aga Khan, representa un caso único en Italia de los años 60 de planificación y gestión unitaria en forma de consorcio de tres mil hectáreas de terreno con finalidad turística. El proceso de construcción del paisaje y del espacio turísticos en la Costa Smeralda viene definido a través de la relación de los siguientes temas: -el contexto italiano después de la II Guerra Mundial, en el cual se manifiesta el conflicto entre la recuperación de lo tradicional y la innovación que supuso el movimiento moderno; -la invención de un imaginario exótico y mediterráneo como base para la creación de la Costa Smeralda, y la singularidad del proceso en la configuración para una localidad de élite; -una perspectiva diferente al proyecto turístico durante las diversas fases en la construcción de la Costa Smeralda y la relación con la procedencia de los proyectistas, lleva a definir los elementos prioritarios para la construcción del paisaje turístico a diferentes escalas. Del proceso continuo sobre la configuración de la Cosa Smeralda , desde 1962 hasta hoy, la tesis se concentra en las dos primeras décadas, de las cuales emergen los aspectos más interesantes de este territorio: -la primera fase de intervención de la Costa Smeralda, entre los años 60 y principios de los 70, se desarrolló sin la existencia de normativas en materia de planificación y paisaje; la entidad encargada de restablecer un plan de desarrollo global fue el Comité de Arquitectura bajo la dirección del arquitecto Luigi Vietti; -la segunda fase de consolidación de la localidad turística, durante la década de los 70, por primera vez ve como proyectista un landscape planner americano, Hideo Sasaki, en un proyecto turístico en el Mediterráneo. El planteamiento del proyecto, la visión a escala territorial y la subdivisión de la operación por fases, destacaron sobre cualquiera de la operaciones realizadas hasta el momento. El análisis de los dos enfoques sobre el territorio, el italiano y americano, lleva a definir cuales han sido los elementos fundamentales del paisaje que han influido sobre el proceso de construcción del territorio turístico, cuales eran las expectativas de un modelo de planificación foránea en el mediterráneo, y que supuso este nuevo contexto. El estudio del caso específico de la Costa Smeralda, que en si no implicó una situación ejemplar ni en el proyecto arquitectónico ni urbano, es todavía significativo para extraer consideraciones generales dentro del debate sobre la arquitectura y planificación turística, respecto al conflicto entre la modernidad y tradición, pintoresco y folclórico, planificación más atenta y landscape planning. ; The main topic of this dissertation is the study of the relationship between the planning of a tourist territory and the elements of the land and landscape that make it up. The case study is a paradigmatic example of elite tourism, called Costa Smeralda in the island of Sardinia. The Costa Smeralda was founded in the early 1960s in the north-eastern coast of Sardinia, at a time of great change for tourism. While for the rest of Europe the tourism boom after World War II meant the democratization of the holidays and the spread of mass tourism, Costa Smeralda was founded by Prince Aga Khan in opposition to the other mass tourism destinations fate in the Spanish, Italian and French coasts of the same period. The insular condition and the pristine nature of Costa Smeralda became a symbol of exclusivity, which attracted elite clients looking for a heavenly enclave of luxury tourism in the heart of the Mediterranean. It represented in those years a unique case in Italy of global planning and management of three thousand acres of land through the insitution of a consortium for tourist purposes. The process of construction of Costa Smeralda landscape and tourist space has been related to the following themes: - italian context after World War II, in conflict between the tradition's rediscovery and innovation of modern movement; - the invention of an exotic-mediterranean imagery as base for the construction of Costa Smeralda, and singularity of the operation to iniciate the elite tourism settlement; - the different approach to the landscape held in the different phases of construction and related to the origin of designers, bring us to define priority elements for the construction of tourist landscape at the different scales. The construction of Costa Smeralda has been an ongoing process from 1962 until today. The thesis focuses on the first two decades, from which emerge the most interesting aspects of this territory: - The first stage of invention and launch of the Costa Smeralda, from the early '60s to the early '70s, is made in total absence of planning and landscape legislation; the institution responsible for drawing up a comprehensive development plan was the Architectural Committee, headed by the architect Luigi Vietti; - The second phase of consolidation of the resort, in the decade of 1970, sees for the first time the presence of an American landscape planner, Hideo Sasaki, intervene in a tourism project in the Mediterranean. The approach to the project, the vision of a territorial scale and the subdivision of the operation in stages, were new actions never executed before then. The analysis of the different italian and american approaches to the territory, leads us to define what were the key elements of the landscape that have influenced the process of construction of the tourist territory, what the expectations were from a planning model extraneous to the Mediterranean one and what this has brought. The study of the specific case of the Costa Smeralda, which in itself is not able to achieve exemplary results in either architectural design nor in urban areas, it is instead useful to draw some general conclusions in the debate on architecture and tourism planning, with regard the conflict between modernity and tradition, picturesque and folkloric, sensitive planning and landscape planning. ; Postprint (published version)
In this thesis, we consider how underground or alternative cultural activities, which we call off, could work for urban development much as mainstream cultures, or in, do. We propose that underground cultural activities are an important part of the cultural landscape of a city and, in this way, could be considered an important actor of urban development. As many authors have shown, culture is nowadays a key element of urban development. First, in the major urban redevelopment projects of the last two decades, there was often a cultural facility flagship, a museum or convention center for example. It is especially true in the case of waterfront or industrial wasteland redevelopments. Second, the artists are often pioneers in the gentrification process. The presence of artists has become meaningful for a neighborhood and has increased the real estate value of a place. Third, cultural and artistic activities are very important factors in building a positive image of a city. It markets the city as an innovative and creative place, two fundamental qualities essential to success in the global inter-city competition. Indeed, it is argued that a strong and dynamic cultural framework provides many leisure opportunities for inhabitants and tourists. Cultural activities are therefore increasingly becoming a marketing strategy to attract firms and people to visit or to settle down in a particular city; and cultural tourism is an engine for urban tourism. And finally, many predict that cultural activities are going to be one of the most important economical activities in the city, both by creating direct value and employment and by developing the tourist industry. But, most of these authors considered mainstream cultures. Our purpose is to demonstrate how underground cultures could also work with these topics. By underground or alternative culture, we mean all kinds of cultural activities that are not subsidized and that have no commercial value. But, because they are a part of the 'art world' and should not be considered as separate from the mainstream cultural world, we prefer to use another semantic scheme in our thesis. We are using the concept of 'in culture / off culture'(which is used to explain what is happening in the major art festivals). The in is organized and planned, while the off is spontaneous and opportunist; the off is free of commercial, academic or trend constraints, so it is a creative and innovative space; the in draws from the off new ideas and new talents; the off needs the in to build its legitimacy; and, little by little, the off becomes the real festival: the place to show and to be, the real engine of the festival which attracts more people and more artists until a new off of the off appears. In much the same way, in our study we consider underground cultures as "off culture", and mainstream culture as "in culture". Our research is focused on the artistic squats as an example and a syncretism of off culture. Indeed, they can be considered both as the space of the off culture and as the off spaces of culture. This is one of the original features of this research: using artistic squats as a comprehensive key to analyze and understand urban changes. For this reason, we needed to develop an original methodology. We propose to implement three different kinds of methodological research, each focusing on one of the topics already detailed and all based on artistic squats issues. These works will focus on the Parisian case, but also on other European and global metropolis, such as San Francisco, New York, Toronto, Berlin, London,. by our personal experiences or by bibliographic review. Concerning economical issues, we will most likely not implement empirical research, but it undoubtedly would be of some interest to do a bibliographically based comparison with the theory of innovation and creativity. On the other hand, a literature review has been done on the changes in cultural practices and taste and on sociology of art and artists. We will also consider, as a background theoretical framework, 'reflexive modernity', 'aesthetic reflexivity' and 'hypertext society' theories as well as 'networks society' and 'global cities' theories and 'creative city' and 'innovative society' theories in our study. Our three research focuses are the following: - Could off cultures be flagships for urban development? According to many authors, one of the key elements for a successful urban redevelopment project is a cultural flagship. We suggest that this flagship could be an off cultural flagship. Off culture spaces are as meaningful as in culture spaces. We argue that urban planners use off places as a flagship in urban redevelopment strategies. So, how could planners integrate these off spaces in urban projects? We study three urban projects, based on interviews and officials materials analyzes. We are considering a case where planners finally decided to integrate a off space in the urban redevelopment project (Les Frigos in the ZAC Paris-Rive Gauche). The second case (La Chapelle-Stalingrad regeneration project) shows how off culture are used as a tool for planning, by cleaning and securing a decaying area. Off artists become planners' pathfinder. They are symbolic shifter from decay to glamour. Then, the real planning project could start. Moreover, this example puts into relief the role of inhabitants organizations in the cultural-led regeneration planning. Indeed, it seems that culture is the unique acceptable feature for urban projects. What does this culture-oriented claim mean? For whose sake are cultural amenities created? The third project is the Newtown cultural precinct that has been created in Johannesburg (South Africa). In this quite unique urban, social, economic and political context, can culture play a similar role? What are the objectives of such an undertaking? Does this project correspond to the lifestyles and behaviours of the inhabitants? As it is shown with the Parisian example, this kind of urban planning practices are more related to a settlement policy than to a cultural one. - Are off spaces places of gentrification? Following many authors, we are interested in the aesthetic and consumerist explanations of gentrification processes. We propose that off cultures play a role in the gentrification process, and expect that they work by giving a trendy image to a neighborhood, as a creative and bohemian place. So, off cultures could be a meaningful pathfinder of gentrification. To prove our purpose, we implement a methodology based on real estate agents interview. We consider real estate agents as good informers about the evolution of real estate markets and neighborhood social changes. They could help us to understand neighborhood and market changes, to explore the potential for gentrification, and to clarify the role of artists and then of off artists and places in gentrification. To do so, we interview several agents in different neighborhoods, all of them located near artistic squats. At the same time, we realize a statistic analysis of real estate market trends. Nevertheless, the results of the researches are mixed. Local real estate agents use artists as a communication tool. They argue that artists and even off artists create a pleasant atmosphere in the neighbourhood, that could attract other populations. But, real estate statistics do not provide convincing results. The only certainty we can propose is that in general, property prices are not influenced by artistic squats. - Is the off an element of the 'tourist gaze'? We argue that off cultural spaces could be tourist places by corresponding to the 'tourist gaze' expectations. Therefore, we do not analyze the tourist (and then economic) impact of off places, but show that off places are important tourist attractions. To do so, we analyze how tourist guidebooks present a city. Indeed, guidebooks writers give meaning to a place by choosing specific places or things to see, and then by interpreting them for the tourists and sometimes by judging them. In this way, tourist guidebooks could be considered as meaningful pathfinder. Based on a comparison between Paris and Berlin, the analysis of several guidebooks shows main differences between the two cities' tourist image. In the Paris case, artistic squats and other off scenes are almost never described in guidebooks. Off is not a part of the city's experience. On the other hand, according to guidebooks, a tourist in Berlin should not avoid visiting one of the many off places. Off is definitely a local attraction. Moreover, off is the Berlin's taste. As we have showed, our PhD is quite ambitious. But it must be considered not as an exhaustive exercise but as an understanding of contemporary urban society proposal. This study help us to understand how off cultures are a part of the city imaginary, and so, how they give meaning to the city. But we also expect that our concept could be used by other scholars or planners for example to understand how urbanity occurs, how a place becomes trendy, or to put into relief relationships between in and off in other sphere. We expect to deliver some comprehensive keys for urban planners such as contemporary gazers. ; Dans cette thèse, nous montrons dans quelle mesure les pratiques culturelles alternatives, que nous appelons off, participent au développement des grandes métropoles, tout comme cela a été démontré avec la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Il est couramment admis que la culture est un élément qualifiant dans la concurrence inter-urbaine et est essentielle à la construction de l'image d'une métropole. En effet, la diversité et la qualité de l'offre culturelle et artistique sont des atouts pour attirer des entreprises de pointes dont les cadres sont friands et grands consommateurs de services culturels. D'autre part, l'événementiel culturel est un moteur du tourisme urbain, principalement axé autour du tourisme culturel. Enfin, la culture et l'industrie culturelle représentent aujourd'hui un secteur économique en pleine expansion, et jouent un rôle important dans le développement des grandes métropoles comme Paris, New York, Los Angeles et San Francisco. En terme de développement urbain, ces phénomènes peuvent se manifester de plusieurs manières : • Les lieux culturels sont programmés dans les projets urbains : dans de nombreux programmes de requalification de friches urbaines, de nouveaux équipements culturels et de loisirs ont été aménagés, devenant les portes-drapeaux de la regénération urbaine ; • les artistes sont souvent des pionniers de la gentrification. A la recherche de locaux spacieux, peu onéreux et centraux, ils s'installent dans des quartiers dévalorisés, industriels ou populaires ; et peu à peu, par leur présence, revalorisent symboliquement le quartier, où de nouvelles populations, attirées par la proximité des artistes, viennent s'installer, entraînant une hausse des prix de l'immobilier. Cela a souvent pour conséquence de chasser les populations les plus pauvres dont les artistes eux-mêmes, incapables de payer les nouveaux loyers ; • les espaces d'expression de la culture (musées, galeries, théâtres, patrimoine bâti.) sont les lieux visités par les touristes, devenant les symboles de la ville, reconnus internationalement. Ces observations portent sur ce que l'on peut considérer comme étant la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Pour notre part, nous proposons que les pratiques culturelles alternatives ou off participent elles-aussi et de manière similaire au développement urbain. Leur présence est révélatrice de la créativité et du dynamisme d'une métropole. Elle est porteuse d'une image positive pour la ville car c'est par la pluralité et la diversité des scènes et des pratiques artistiques que la culture devient un élément de la métropolisation. Nous parlons de culture in et de culture off par analogie aux grands festivals où se côtoient le in et le off. Le in y est programmé et le off opportuniste et spontané ; le in s'enrichit par l'existence du off où, par une plus grande liberté, peuvent se produire les innovations ; le off a besoin du in pour justifier son existence, trouver une légitimité. Et peu à peu, le off prend le dessus sur le in, attire plus de spectateurs, devient le moteur populaire du festival. Ainsi, dans cette thèse, nous postulons que la culture off joue un rôle dans le développement urbain par complémentarité avec la culture in. Pour cela, nous concentrons nos analyses autour des lieux culturels off (comme par exemple les squats d'artistes) pour montrer en quoi ils contribuent à l'attractivité d'un espace métropolitain. En effet, les lieux off sont l'inscription physique dans l'espace urbain de pratiques artistiques off. Ici, ils ne sont pas l'objet de l'étude, mais le fil conducteur, l'analyseur permettant une compréhension nouvelle des évolutions urbaines contemporaines. Dans cette optique, il s'agit de construire une méthodologie adaptée et novatrice en reprenant les trois grands marqueurs du développement urbain que nous avons présentés précédemment. Ainsi, trois axes et méthodes de recherche sont mis en œuvre : • La régénération urbaine. Comment les lieux culturels off sont-ils intégrés à des projets urbains ? Comment deviennent-ils des constituants d'un nouveau quartier ? Comment les aménageurs conçoivent-ils cette intégration ? Nous nous intéressons particulièrement aux discours produits par les différents acteurs impliqués pour justifier, expliquer et valoriser la présence de lieux off dans des projets d'aménagements (par exemple, l'intégration des Frigos dans la ZAC Paris-Rive gauche). • La gentrification. Dans quelle mesure des lieux off (comme les squats d'artistes) participent-ils à la revalorisation symbolique d'un quartier ? Pour cela, avons réalisé une analyse de données statistiques sur le marché immobilier parisien et des enquêtes auprès d'agents immobiliers afin de comprendre la perception, par des acteurs centraux du marché immobilier, de la présence d'artistes dans un quartier. • Le tourisme urbain. Les squats d'artistes et d'autres éléments de la culture off sont-ils des lieux touristiques ? Participent-ils à l'image touristique des villes ? Pour mettre en évidence cela, nous étudions la construction de l'image touristique des villes à travers une analyse sémiotique de différents guides touristiques. En effet, le guide touristique constitue en soi un corpus intéressant, quoique négligé, pour analyser l'image construite d'un lieu. Il ne reflète pas la réalité du lieu, mais construit et est construit par l'imaginaire porté par ce lieu. Au travers ces trois volets, cette recherche montre comment et dans quelle mesure un lieu off, peut participer au développement urbain. La coexistence des cultures in et off est essentielle à l'effervescence créative d'une métropole, à la fois révélatrice et symbole du dynamisme métropolitain.
In this thesis, we consider how underground or alternative cultural activities, which we call off, could work for urban development much as mainstream cultures, or in, do. We propose that underground cultural activities are an important part of the cultural landscape of a city and, in this way, could be considered an important actor of urban development. As many authors have shown, culture is nowadays a key element of urban development. First, in the major urban redevelopment projects of the last two decades, there was often a cultural facility flagship, a museum or convention center for example. It is especially true in the case of waterfront or industrial wasteland redevelopments. Second, the artists are often pioneers in the gentrification process. The presence of artists has become meaningful for a neighborhood and has increased the real estate value of a place. Third, cultural and artistic activities are very important factors in building a positive image of a city. It markets the city as an innovative and creative place, two fundamental qualities essential to success in the global inter-city competition. Indeed, it is argued that a strong and dynamic cultural framework provides many leisure opportunities for inhabitants and tourists. Cultural activities are therefore increasingly becoming a marketing strategy to attract firms and people to visit or to settle down in a particular city; and cultural tourism is an engine for urban tourism. And finally, many predict that cultural activities are going to be one of the most important economical activities in the city, both by creating direct value and employment and by developing the tourist industry. But, most of these authors considered mainstream cultures. Our purpose is to demonstrate how underground cultures could also work with these topics. By underground or alternative culture, we mean all kinds of cultural activities that are not subsidized and that have no commercial value. But, because they are a part of the 'art world' and should not be considered as separate from the mainstream cultural world, we prefer to use another semantic scheme in our thesis. We are using the concept of 'in culture / off culture'(which is used to explain what is happening in the major art festivals). The in is organized and planned, while the off is spontaneous and opportunist; the off is free of commercial, academic or trend constraints, so it is a creative and innovative space; the in draws from the off new ideas and new talents; the off needs the in to build its legitimacy; and, little by little, the off becomes the real festival: the place to show and to be, the real engine of the festival which attracts more people and more artists until a new off of the off appears. In much the same way, in our study we consider underground cultures as "off culture", and mainstream culture as "in culture". Our research is focused on the artistic squats as an example and a syncretism of off culture. Indeed, they can be considered both as the space of the off culture and as the off spaces of culture. This is one of the original features of this research: using artistic squats as a comprehensive key to analyze and understand urban changes. For this reason, we needed to develop an original methodology. We propose to implement three different kinds of methodological research, each focusing on one of the topics already detailed and all based on artistic squats issues. These works will focus on the Parisian case, but also on other European and global metropolis, such as San Francisco, New York, Toronto, Berlin, London,. by our personal experiences or by bibliographic review. Concerning economical issues, we will most likely not implement empirical research, but it undoubtedly would be of some interest to do a bibliographically based comparison with the theory of innovation and creativity. On the other hand, a literature review has been done on the changes in cultural practices and taste and on sociology of art and artists. We will also consider, as a background theoretical framework, 'reflexive modernity', 'aesthetic reflexivity' and 'hypertext society' theories as well as 'networks society' and 'global cities' theories and 'creative city' and 'innovative society' theories in our study. Our three research focuses are the following: - Could off cultures be flagships for urban development? According to many authors, one of the key elements for a successful urban redevelopment project is a cultural flagship. We suggest that this flagship could be an off cultural flagship. Off culture spaces are as meaningful as in culture spaces. We argue that urban planners use off places as a flagship in urban redevelopment strategies. So, how could planners integrate these off spaces in urban projects? We study three urban projects, based on interviews and officials materials analyzes. We are considering a case where planners finally decided to integrate a off space in the urban redevelopment project (Les Frigos in the ZAC Paris-Rive Gauche). The second case (La Chapelle-Stalingrad regeneration project) shows how off culture are used as a tool for planning, by cleaning and securing a decaying area. Off artists become planners' pathfinder. They are symbolic shifter from decay to glamour. Then, the real planning project could start. Moreover, this example puts into relief the role of inhabitants organizations in the cultural-led regeneration planning. Indeed, it seems that culture is the unique acceptable feature for urban projects. What does this culture-oriented claim mean? For whose sake are cultural amenities created? The third project is the Newtown cultural precinct that has been created in Johannesburg (South Africa). In this quite unique urban, social, economic and political context, can culture play a similar role? What are the objectives of such an undertaking? Does this project correspond to the lifestyles and behaviours of the inhabitants? As it is shown with the Parisian example, this kind of urban planning practices are more related to a settlement policy than to a cultural one. - Are off spaces places of gentrification? Following many authors, we are interested in the aesthetic and consumerist explanations of gentrification processes. We propose that off cultures play a role in the gentrification process, and expect that they work by giving a trendy image to a neighborhood, as a creative and bohemian place. So, off cultures could be a meaningful pathfinder of gentrification. To prove our purpose, we implement a methodology based on real estate agents interview. We consider real estate agents as good informers about the evolution of real estate markets and neighborhood social changes. They could help us to understand neighborhood and market changes, to explore the potential for gentrification, and to clarify the role of artists and then of off artists and places in gentrification. To do so, we interview several agents in different neighborhoods, all of them located near artistic squats. At the same time, we realize a statistic analysis of real estate market trends. Nevertheless, the results of the researches are mixed. Local real estate agents use artists as a communication tool. They argue that artists and even off artists create a pleasant atmosphere in the neighbourhood, that could attract other populations. But, real estate statistics do not provide convincing results. The only certainty we can propose is that in general, property prices are not influenced by artistic squats. - Is the off an element of the 'tourist gaze'? We argue that off cultural spaces could be tourist places by corresponding to the 'tourist gaze' expectations. Therefore, we do not analyze the tourist (and then economic) impact of off places, but show that off places are important tourist attractions. To do so, we analyze how tourist guidebooks present a city. Indeed, guidebooks writers give meaning to a place by choosing specific places or things to see, and then by interpreting them for the tourists and sometimes by judging them. In this way, tourist guidebooks could be considered as meaningful pathfinder. Based on a comparison between Paris and Berlin, the analysis of several guidebooks shows main differences between the two cities' tourist image. In the Paris case, artistic squats and other off scenes are almost never described in guidebooks. Off is not a part of the city's experience. On the other hand, according to guidebooks, a tourist in Berlin should not avoid visiting one of the many off places. Off is definitely a local attraction. Moreover, off is the Berlin's taste. As we have showed, our PhD is quite ambitious. But it must be considered not as an exhaustive exercise but as an understanding of contemporary urban society proposal. This study help us to understand how off cultures are a part of the city imaginary, and so, how they give meaning to the city. But we also expect that our concept could be used by other scholars or planners for example to understand how urbanity occurs, how a place becomes trendy, or to put into relief relationships between in and off in other sphere. We expect to deliver some comprehensive keys for urban planners such as contemporary gazers. ; Dans cette thèse, nous montrons dans quelle mesure les pratiques culturelles alternatives, que nous appelons off, participent au développement des grandes métropoles, tout comme cela a été démontré avec la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Il est couramment admis que la culture est un élément qualifiant dans la concurrence inter-urbaine et est essentielle à la construction de l'image d'une métropole. En effet, la diversité et la qualité de l'offre culturelle et artistique sont des atouts pour attirer des entreprises de pointes dont les cadres sont friands et grands consommateurs de services culturels. D'autre part, l'événementiel culturel est un moteur du tourisme urbain, principalement axé autour du tourisme culturel. Enfin, la culture et l'industrie culturelle représentent aujourd'hui un secteur économique en pleine expansion, et jouent un rôle important dans le développement des grandes métropoles comme Paris, New York, Los Angeles et San Francisco. En terme de développement urbain, ces phénomènes peuvent se manifester de plusieurs manières : • Les lieux culturels sont programmés dans les projets urbains : dans de nombreux programmes de requalification de friches urbaines, de nouveaux équipements culturels et de loisirs ont été aménagés, devenant les portes-drapeaux de la regénération urbaine ; • les artistes sont souvent des pionniers de la gentrification. A la recherche de locaux spacieux, peu onéreux et centraux, ils s'installent dans des quartiers dévalorisés, industriels ou populaires ; et peu à peu, par leur présence, revalorisent symboliquement le quartier, où de nouvelles populations, attirées par la proximité des artistes, viennent s'installer, entraînant une hausse des prix de l'immobilier. Cela a souvent pour conséquence de chasser les populations les plus pauvres dont les artistes eux-mêmes, incapables de payer les nouveaux loyers ; • les espaces d'expression de la culture (musées, galeries, théâtres, patrimoine bâti.) sont les lieux visités par les touristes, devenant les symboles de la ville, reconnus internationalement. Ces observations portent sur ce que l'on peut considérer comme étant la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Pour notre part, nous proposons que les pratiques culturelles alternatives ou off participent elles-aussi et de manière similaire au développement urbain. Leur présence est révélatrice de la créativité et du dynamisme d'une métropole. Elle est porteuse d'une image positive pour la ville car c'est par la pluralité et la diversité des scènes et des pratiques artistiques que la culture devient un élément de la métropolisation. Nous parlons de culture in et de culture off par analogie aux grands festivals où se côtoient le in et le off. Le in y est programmé et le off opportuniste et spontané ; le in s'enrichit par l'existence du off où, par une plus grande liberté, peuvent se produire les innovations ; le off a besoin du in pour justifier son existence, trouver une légitimité. Et peu à peu, le off prend le dessus sur le in, attire plus de spectateurs, devient le moteur populaire du festival. Ainsi, dans cette thèse, nous postulons que la culture off joue un rôle dans le développement urbain par complémentarité avec la culture in. Pour cela, nous concentrons nos analyses autour des lieux culturels off (comme par exemple les squats d'artistes) pour montrer en quoi ils contribuent à l'attractivité d'un espace métropolitain. En effet, les lieux off sont l'inscription physique dans l'espace urbain de pratiques artistiques off. Ici, ils ne sont pas l'objet de l'étude, mais le fil conducteur, l'analyseur permettant une compréhension nouvelle des évolutions urbaines contemporaines. Dans cette optique, il s'agit de construire une méthodologie adaptée et novatrice en reprenant les trois grands marqueurs du développement urbain que nous avons présentés précédemment. Ainsi, trois axes et méthodes de recherche sont mis en œuvre : • La régénération urbaine. Comment les lieux culturels off sont-ils intégrés à des projets urbains ? Comment deviennent-ils des constituants d'un nouveau quartier ? Comment les aménageurs conçoivent-ils cette intégration ? Nous nous intéressons particulièrement aux discours produits par les différents acteurs impliqués pour justifier, expliquer et valoriser la présence de lieux off dans des projets d'aménagements (par exemple, l'intégration des Frigos dans la ZAC Paris-Rive gauche). • La gentrification. Dans quelle mesure des lieux off (comme les squats d'artistes) participent-ils à la revalorisation symbolique d'un quartier ? Pour cela, avons réalisé une analyse de données statistiques sur le marché immobilier parisien et des enquêtes auprès d'agents immobiliers afin de comprendre la perception, par des acteurs centraux du marché immobilier, de la présence d'artistes dans un quartier. • Le tourisme urbain. Les squats d'artistes et d'autres éléments de la culture off sont-ils des lieux touristiques ? Participent-ils à l'image touristique des villes ? Pour mettre en évidence cela, nous étudions la construction de l'image touristique des villes à travers une analyse sémiotique de différents guides touristiques. En effet, le guide touristique constitue en soi un corpus intéressant, quoique négligé, pour analyser l'image construite d'un lieu. Il ne reflète pas la réalité du lieu, mais construit et est construit par l'imaginaire porté par ce lieu. Au travers ces trois volets, cette recherche montre comment et dans quelle mesure un lieu off, peut participer au développement urbain. La coexistence des cultures in et off est essentielle à l'effervescence créative d'une métropole, à la fois révélatrice et symbole du dynamisme métropolitain.
In this thesis, we consider how underground or alternative cultural activities, which we call off, could work for urban development much as mainstream cultures, or in, do. We propose that underground cultural activities are an important part of the cultural landscape of a city and, in this way, could be considered an important actor of urban development. As many authors have shown, culture is nowadays a key element of urban development. First, in the major urban redevelopment projects of the last two decades, there was often a cultural facility flagship, a museum or convention center for example. It is especially true in the case of waterfront or industrial wasteland redevelopments. Second, the artists are often pioneers in the gentrification process. The presence of artists has become meaningful for a neighborhood and has increased the real estate value of a place. Third, cultural and artistic activities are very important factors in building a positive image of a city. It markets the city as an innovative and creative place, two fundamental qualities essential to success in the global inter-city competition. Indeed, it is argued that a strong and dynamic cultural framework provides many leisure opportunities for inhabitants and tourists. Cultural activities are therefore increasingly becoming a marketing strategy to attract firms and people to visit or to settle down in a particular city; and cultural tourism is an engine for urban tourism. And finally, many predict that cultural activities are going to be one of the most important economical activities in the city, both by creating direct value and employment and by developing the tourist industry. But, most of these authors considered mainstream cultures. Our purpose is to demonstrate how underground cultures could also work with these topics. By underground or alternative culture, we mean all kinds of cultural activities that are not subsidized and that have no commercial value. But, because they are a part of the 'art world' and should not be considered as separate from the mainstream cultural world, we prefer to use another semantic scheme in our thesis. We are using the concept of 'in culture / off culture'(which is used to explain what is happening in the major art festivals). The in is organized and planned, while the off is spontaneous and opportunist; the off is free of commercial, academic or trend constraints, so it is a creative and innovative space; the in draws from the off new ideas and new talents; the off needs the in to build its legitimacy; and, little by little, the off becomes the real festival: the place to show and to be, the real engine of the festival which attracts more people and more artists until a new off of the off appears. In much the same way, in our study we consider underground cultures as "off culture", and mainstream culture as "in culture". Our research is focused on the artistic squats as an example and a syncretism of off culture. Indeed, they can be considered both as the space of the off culture and as the off spaces of culture. This is one of the original features of this research: using artistic squats as a comprehensive key to analyze and understand urban changes. For this reason, we needed to develop an original methodology. We propose to implement three different kinds of methodological research, each focusing on one of the topics already detailed and all based on artistic squats issues. These works will focus on the Parisian case, but also on other European and global metropolis, such as San Francisco, New York, Toronto, Berlin, London,. by our personal experiences or by bibliographic review. Concerning economical issues, we will most likely not implement empirical research, but it undoubtedly would be of some interest to do a bibliographically based comparison with the theory of innovation and creativity. On the other hand, a literature review has been done on the changes in cultural practices and taste and on sociology of art and artists. We will also consider, as a background theoretical framework, 'reflexive modernity', 'aesthetic reflexivity' and 'hypertext society' theories as well as 'networks society' and 'global cities' theories and 'creative city' and 'innovative society' theories in our study. Our three research focuses are the following: - Could off cultures be flagships for urban development? According to many authors, one of the key elements for a successful urban redevelopment project is a cultural flagship. We suggest that this flagship could be an off cultural flagship. Off culture spaces are as meaningful as in culture spaces. We argue that urban planners use off places as a flagship in urban redevelopment strategies. So, how could planners integrate these off spaces in urban projects? We study three urban projects, based on interviews and officials materials analyzes. We are considering a case where planners finally decided to integrate a off space in the urban redevelopment project (Les Frigos in the ZAC Paris-Rive Gauche). The second case (La Chapelle-Stalingrad regeneration project) shows how off culture are used as a tool for planning, by cleaning and securing a decaying area. Off artists become planners' pathfinder. They are symbolic shifter from decay to glamour. Then, the real planning project could start. Moreover, this example puts into relief the role of inhabitants organizations in the cultural-led regeneration planning. Indeed, it seems that culture is the unique acceptable feature for urban projects. What does this culture-oriented claim mean? For whose sake are cultural amenities created? The third project is the Newtown cultural precinct that has been created in Johannesburg (South Africa). In this quite unique urban, social, economic and political context, can culture play a similar role? What are the objectives of such an undertaking? Does this project correspond to the lifestyles and behaviours of the inhabitants? As it is shown with the Parisian example, this kind of urban planning practices are more related to a settlement policy than to a cultural one. - Are off spaces places of gentrification? Following many authors, we are interested in the aesthetic and consumerist explanations of gentrification processes. We propose that off cultures play a role in the gentrification process, and expect that they work by giving a trendy image to a neighborhood, as a creative and bohemian place. So, off cultures could be a meaningful pathfinder of gentrification. To prove our purpose, we implement a methodology based on real estate agents interview. We consider real estate agents as good informers about the evolution of real estate markets and neighborhood social changes. They could help us to understand neighborhood and market changes, to explore the potential for gentrification, and to clarify the role of artists and then of off artists and places in gentrification. To do so, we interview several agents in different neighborhoods, all of them located near artistic squats. At the same time, we realize a statistic analysis of real estate market trends. Nevertheless, the results of the researches are mixed. Local real estate agents use artists as a communication tool. They argue that artists and even off artists create a pleasant atmosphere in the neighbourhood, that could attract other populations. But, real estate statistics do not provide convincing results. The only certainty we can propose is that in general, property prices are not influenced by artistic squats. - Is the off an element of the 'tourist gaze'? We argue that off cultural spaces could be tourist places by corresponding to the 'tourist gaze' expectations. Therefore, we do not analyze the tourist (and then economic) impact of off places, but show that off places are important tourist attractions. To do so, we analyze how tourist guidebooks present a city. Indeed, guidebooks writers give meaning to a place by choosing specific places or things to see, and then by interpreting them for the tourists and sometimes by judging them. In this way, tourist guidebooks could be considered as meaningful pathfinder. Based on a comparison between Paris and Berlin, the analysis of several guidebooks shows main differences between the two cities' tourist image. In the Paris case, artistic squats and other off scenes are almost never described in guidebooks. Off is not a part of the city's experience. On the other hand, according to guidebooks, a tourist in Berlin should not avoid visiting one of the many off places. Off is definitely a local attraction. Moreover, off is the Berlin's taste. As we have showed, our PhD is quite ambitious. But it must be considered not as an exhaustive exercise but as an understanding of contemporary urban society proposal. This study help us to understand how off cultures are a part of the city imaginary, and so, how they give meaning to the city. But we also expect that our concept could be used by other scholars or planners for example to understand how urbanity occurs, how a place becomes trendy, or to put into relief relationships between in and off in other sphere. We expect to deliver some comprehensive keys for urban planners such as contemporary gazers. ; Dans cette thèse, nous montrons dans quelle mesure les pratiques culturelles alternatives, que nous appelons off, participent au développement des grandes métropoles, tout comme cela a été démontré avec la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Il est couramment admis que la culture est un élément qualifiant dans la concurrence inter-urbaine et est essentielle à la construction de l'image d'une métropole. En effet, la diversité et la qualité de l'offre culturelle et artistique sont des atouts pour attirer des entreprises de pointes dont les cadres sont friands et grands consommateurs de services culturels. D'autre part, l'événementiel culturel est un moteur du tourisme urbain, principalement axé autour du tourisme culturel. Enfin, la culture et l'industrie culturelle représentent aujourd'hui un secteur économique en pleine expansion, et jouent un rôle important dans le développement des grandes métropoles comme Paris, New York, Los Angeles et San Francisco. En terme de développement urbain, ces phénomènes peuvent se manifester de plusieurs manières : • Les lieux culturels sont programmés dans les projets urbains : dans de nombreux programmes de requalification de friches urbaines, de nouveaux équipements culturels et de loisirs ont été aménagés, devenant les portes-drapeaux de la regénération urbaine ; • les artistes sont souvent des pionniers de la gentrification. A la recherche de locaux spacieux, peu onéreux et centraux, ils s'installent dans des quartiers dévalorisés, industriels ou populaires ; et peu à peu, par leur présence, revalorisent symboliquement le quartier, où de nouvelles populations, attirées par la proximité des artistes, viennent s'installer, entraînant une hausse des prix de l'immobilier. Cela a souvent pour conséquence de chasser les populations les plus pauvres dont les artistes eux-mêmes, incapables de payer les nouveaux loyers ; • les espaces d'expression de la culture (musées, galeries, théâtres, patrimoine bâti.) sont les lieux visités par les touristes, devenant les symboles de la ville, reconnus internationalement. Ces observations portent sur ce que l'on peut considérer comme étant la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Pour notre part, nous proposons que les pratiques culturelles alternatives ou off participent elles-aussi et de manière similaire au développement urbain. Leur présence est révélatrice de la créativité et du dynamisme d'une métropole. Elle est porteuse d'une image positive pour la ville car c'est par la pluralité et la diversité des scènes et des pratiques artistiques que la culture devient un élément de la métropolisation. Nous parlons de culture in et de culture off par analogie aux grands festivals où se côtoient le in et le off. Le in y est programmé et le off opportuniste et spontané ; le in s'enrichit par l'existence du off où, par une plus grande liberté, peuvent se produire les innovations ; le off a besoin du in pour justifier son existence, trouver une légitimité. Et peu à peu, le off prend le dessus sur le in, attire plus de spectateurs, devient le moteur populaire du festival. Ainsi, dans cette thèse, nous postulons que la culture off joue un rôle dans le développement urbain par complémentarité avec la culture in. Pour cela, nous concentrons nos analyses autour des lieux culturels off (comme par exemple les squats d'artistes) pour montrer en quoi ils contribuent à l'attractivité d'un espace métropolitain. En effet, les lieux off sont l'inscription physique dans l'espace urbain de pratiques artistiques off. Ici, ils ne sont pas l'objet de l'étude, mais le fil conducteur, l'analyseur permettant une compréhension nouvelle des évolutions urbaines contemporaines. Dans cette optique, il s'agit de construire une méthodologie adaptée et novatrice en reprenant les trois grands marqueurs du développement urbain que nous avons présentés précédemment. Ainsi, trois axes et méthodes de recherche sont mis en œuvre : • La régénération urbaine. Comment les lieux culturels off sont-ils intégrés à des projets urbains ? Comment deviennent-ils des constituants d'un nouveau quartier ? Comment les aménageurs conçoivent-ils cette intégration ? Nous nous intéressons particulièrement aux discours produits par les différents acteurs impliqués pour justifier, expliquer et valoriser la présence de lieux off dans des projets d'aménagements (par exemple, l'intégration des Frigos dans la ZAC Paris-Rive gauche). • La gentrification. Dans quelle mesure des lieux off (comme les squats d'artistes) participent-ils à la revalorisation symbolique d'un quartier ? Pour cela, avons réalisé une analyse de données statistiques sur le marché immobilier parisien et des enquêtes auprès d'agents immobiliers afin de comprendre la perception, par des acteurs centraux du marché immobilier, de la présence d'artistes dans un quartier. • Le tourisme urbain. Les squats d'artistes et d'autres éléments de la culture off sont-ils des lieux touristiques ? Participent-ils à l'image touristique des villes ? Pour mettre en évidence cela, nous étudions la construction de l'image touristique des villes à travers une analyse sémiotique de différents guides touristiques. En effet, le guide touristique constitue en soi un corpus intéressant, quoique négligé, pour analyser l'image construite d'un lieu. Il ne reflète pas la réalité du lieu, mais construit et est construit par l'imaginaire porté par ce lieu. Au travers ces trois volets, cette recherche montre comment et dans quelle mesure un lieu off, peut participer au développement urbain. La coexistence des cultures in et off est essentielle à l'effervescence créative d'une métropole, à la fois révélatrice et symbole du dynamisme métropolitain.
In this article I provide a contribution to the ongoing discussion on the approach developed by Jason W. Moore in the field of International Relations, known as "World-Ecology". Through this perspective I analyze the agreements that are negotiated between core and semi-periphery states, and the periphery states in the African continent in the field of trade, migration, security and employment.Recent studies analysed the agreements negotiated between the core, semi-periphery and periphery states from very different perspectives. For example, from an economic point of view, previous research has highlighted the link between migration and development or analysed the increasing dependence on the migrant workforce in some specific sectors in the global center. Other studies opted for a more "social" standpoint and analysed the process of integration of migrant-origin workforce from periphery states in the socio-economic fabric of core states. A third group of studies focused on the repercussions that security agreements have on regular and irregular migrants coming from periphery states. Other scholars have investigated the environmental impact of the appropriation of raw materials and energy following (dis)agreements between core, semi-periphery, and periphery states.All these contributions help to shed light on the core-periphery relations from different angles. Yet, Moore's World-Ecology perspective can help us go beyond the intrinsic limitations of these "compartmentalised" approaches and activate a holistic re-reading of these core-periphery relations in the field of migration, trade, security and employment. In this article, I focus on these agreements to demonstrate how this perspective can be used to theorise those strategic and dialectical bundles of human and extra-human relations that are at the foundation of the global capitalist civilisation.As I will show, core-periphery state agreements provide the structure through which patterns and relationships of power and production within nature can be co-produced, exerting continuous pressure on human and extra-human nature to keep it cheap. Moore refers in this regard to the "Four Cheaps": labour, food, energy, and raw materials, and the tendency of capitalism to appropriate them with as little capital as possible, or even better free of charge in order to generate surplus value and an ecological surplus. Core-periphery state agreements serve to extend the zone of appropriation and set up new streams of the Four Cheaps. Core-periphery state agreements are the Janus face of capitalism: if on the one hand they exert pressure to keep nature cheap, on the other hand, the same dynamics of negotiation inherent in these agreements progressively leads to the exhaustion of capitalism's Cheap Nature strategy.Core-periphery state agreements include, for example, the temporal migration programs signed between the European Union and the periphery states in Africa with the explicit aim of providing cheap labour to specific sectors (e.g. social care) in the global centre that would otherwise need higher remuneration and much better working conditions to motivate core states' autochthonous labour power. These programs also result in promoting a specific type of migrant-origin labour force: temporal, circular, vulnerable, and therefore cheap. In turn, the promotion of this type of migration solidifies hierarchical and dualistic constructions within the labour market. Moore's World-Ecology perspective can also be used to place emphasis on the link between migration, cheap labour, and the production of cheap food. The function of labour reserves, which in the past was covered by slaves and colonized labour, is today entrusted to migrants from the global periphery.This article also analyses the trade agreements between core, semi-periphery and periphery states for their role in securing cheap energy and raw materials. Core-periphery trade (dis)agreements are primarily power relations that mobilize and recombine human and extra-human natures, and that have as their purpose the endless accumulation and production of global spaces of appropriation. The packages of trade agreements signed between the core, semi-periphery and periphery states are also closely linked to security measures. Security is not a by-product of these agreements, but rather a constitutive element of the negotiations, through which interlocking agencies of capital, science, and political power together release new sources of free or low-cost human and extra-human natures for capital accumulation. Going beyond the consideration that the proliferation of fences of razor wire and walls around the globe is a valid indicator of the flourishing state experienced by the security industry in the current phase of capitalism, once we embrace the World-Ecology perspective we can see how the security agreements between core, semi-periphery and periphery state alter extra-human and human nature. In fact, securitarian measures are inserted in pre-existing geographical patterns and social structures (re)producing clusters of nature hierarchized according to historical-geographical specificities, and patterns of race, gender, and class. Here I think for example about the categories of Arabised North Africa (e.g. the Maghreb) vs the rest of "Black" Africa or the category of "illegal" migrant vs "legal" migrant, which are solidified through the security "deals" struck between core, semi-periphery states and periphery states. In addition to its introduction and conclusions, this article has three sections. The first section establishes the main features of Moore's World-Ecology perspective that will be developed throughout the article. In the second section, the article isolates four broad reasons that help us understand how and why agreements between core, semi-periphery and periphery countries can accelerate the decline of the ecological surplus and presents the main argument around which the article revolves: while in the past, appropriation practices combined with the global market and technological innovations ensured rapid global expansions, based on the identification, codification, and rationalization of the Cheap Natures, notably through the practices of colonisation and slavery,today this "advantage" is no longer available. Moreover, the identification, appropriation and mobilization of uncapitalised nature must undergo long, tedious, and above all expensive core-periphery negotiations, which ultimately take the form of agreement packages that include measures in the field of trade, migration, security, and employment. The third section further develops this argument by applying it to the concrete case of the African periphery countries. In the concluding remarks, the article highlights the dual characters of the core, semi-periphery and periphery state agreements and reflects on the nature of the ongoing crisis.The core-periphery agreements analysed in this article are certainly a display of capitalism's adaptive power, yet at the same time core-(semi)periphery negotiations accelerate the crisis of modernity-in-nature by exhausting the Cheap Nature, making everything less cheap, and at fast speed, as evidenced by the last commodity supercycle and the one on the horizon. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the fragilities of the global capitalist economy and woken up post-capitalist imaginaries. However, as of today it is an open question as to whether we are facing a developmental crisis of capitalism, which can be solved within the boundaries of the neoliberal order through new rounds of accumulation and commodification, or we are witnessing instead the beginning of an epochal crisis marked by an irreversible decline of capitalism's capacity to restructure itself as the mode of organisation of human and extra-human nature. ; El artículo busca tres objetivos: 1) contribuir al debate en curso en el marco de la propuesta de la ecología-mundo, centrándose en el caso de los acuerdos suscritos entre los estados del centro global, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia; 2) proporcionar una visión de cómo y por qué los acuerdos en las áreas de comercio, migración, seguridad y empleo que se suscriben entre los estados del centro, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia global contribuyen a acelerar la caída del excedente ecológico; y por último, 3) volver a centrar la atención en el continente africano, haciendo hincapié en su papel central en el desarrollo y crisis de la economía capitalista global. La perspectiva desarrollada por Moore rechaza el dualismo cartesiano de "Naturaleza" y "Sociedad" y, por tanto, trasciende la narrativa del capitalismo y el medio ambiente tan predominante en la actualidad, proponiendo en su lugar una relación creativa y dialéctica de unidad fundamental entre la naturaleza humana y la extrahumana, oikeios. De ello se desprende que la crisis del capitalismo, ya sea evolutiva o epocal, no se origina en la convergencia de crisis ontológicamente distintas e independientes, la económica (sociedad) y la medioambiental (naturaleza), sino que expresa la esencia misma del capitalismo. En este sentido, los acuerdos comerciales, de inmigración, de seguridad y de empleo entre los estados del centro, las semiperiferias y los estados de la periferia encarnan la misma esencia antagonista del capitalismo: la tendencia a la acumulación incesante de capital y la caída del excedente ecológico. En este artículo exploramos que si, por un lado, los acuerdos estipulados entre los estados del centro, las semiperiferias y los estados de la periferia representan una forma de apropiarse del "trabajo" barato y gratuito de naturalezas humanas y extrahumanas para ponerlos al servicio del proceso de acumulación capitalista, estos acuerdos, por su propia construcción y sus dinámicas de negociación, aceleran, por otro lado, la caída del excedente ecológico, lo que se hace visible en el aumento de los precios de los bienes primarios a través del continuo agotamiento de las naturalezas humanas y extrahumanas no capitalizadas o infracapitalizadas. El texto, además de introducción y conclusiones, consta de tres apartados. En el primero se establecen las principales características de la perspectiva de la ecología-mundo de Moore, que se desarrollarán a lo largo del artículo. En el segundo apartado se aíslan las cuatro grandes razones que nos ayudan a entender cómo y por qué los acuerdos entre estados del centro, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia pueden acelerar la caída del excedente ecológico. En el tercero se desarrolla el argumento principal del artículo, aplicándolo al caso concreto de los acuerdos estipulados entre algunos estados del centro, de la semiperiferia y los estados de la periferia africana.
In the interwar period, National Democracy (ND) journalists presented their own views regarding the postulates of the emerging feminist movement of that time. Women's position in social life was perceived in terms of the Catholic Church's teaching. ND journalists followed the existing stereotypes regarding femininity and masculinity patterns. They advocated the traditional role of women in the social domain. According to ND journalists, the rejection of this traditional model could have had a destructive impact on the entire national community. Therefore, women striving to get away from the traditional image, willing to devote themselves to a professional career at the cost of their family life, were perceived in a particularly negative way. In the public discourse on femininity, National Democracy took the conservative standpoint, which is also shared by representatives of modern national and nationalistic thought in Poland. ; W okresie międzywojennym publicyści Narodowej Demokracji zaprezentowali własne stanowisko wobec postulatów kształtującego się wówczas ruchu feministycznego. Pozycję kobiety w życiu społecznym pojmowano zgodnie z wytycznymi Kościoła katolickiego. Publicyści endeccy akceptowali istniejące stereotypy określające wzorce kobiecości i męskości. Opowiadano się za tradycyjną rolą kobiety w życiu społecznym. Zdaniem publicystów endeckich odrzucenie tradycyjnego modelu mogło destrukcyjnie wpłynąć na całą wspólnotę narodową. Szczególnie negatywnie postrzegano kobiety, które odbiegały od tradycyjnego wizerunku i poświęcały się karierze zawodowej kosztem życia rodzinnego. W dyskursie publicznym dotyczącym kwestii kobiecej Narodowa Demokracja zajmowała stanowisko konserwatywne. Tożsame stanowisko zajmują przedstawiciele współczesnej myśli narodowej i nacjonalistycznej w Polsce. ; The publication was financed from the National Science Centre resources granted under Decision No. DEC-2013/09/B/HS5/00016. Tekst został opracowany w ramach projektu badawczego "Myśl polityczna Stronnictwa Narodowego (1928–1939)" finansowanego ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki na podstawie decyzji numer DEC-2013/09/B/HS5/00016. ; dawidowicz.aneta@gmail.com ; Aneta Dawidowicz – doktor habilitowana w dziedzinie nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce, doktor nauk humanistycznych w zakresie nauki o polityce, zatrudniona na stanowisku adiunkta w Zakładzie Myśli Politycznej na Wydziale Politologii Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie. Jej zainteresowania badawcze koncentrują się wokół polskiej myśli politycznej, biografistyki, historii prasy, publicystyki politycznej, komunikowania politycznego. Jest autorką publikacji książkowych i artykułów naukowych. 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Observations and conclusions], Warsaw 1936. ; Giertych Jędrzej, Polski Obóz Narodowy [The Polish National Party], London 1977. ; Mosdorf Jan, W młodzieży nadzieja Polski [Poland's hope lies in the youth], "Myśl Narodowa" [National Thought] 1933, No. 15, pp. 193–194. ; Nowaczyński Adolf, Ofensywa. Donna Krzywicka [The Offensive. Donna Krzywicka], "Myśl Narodowa" [National Thought] 1932, No. 31, pp. 458–459. ; Nowaczyński Adolf, Ofensywa. Safona z Y.P.S.U. [The Offensive. Safona from Y.P.S.U.], "Myśl Narodowa" [National Thought] 1933, No. 27, p. 399. ; Raczkowski Zygmunt, Ludzie bezdomni [The homeless], "Myśl Narodowa" [National Thought] 1931, No. 26, pp. 338–340. ; Rembieliński Jan, Emancypacja od… feminizmu [Emancipation from… feminism], "Myśl Narodowa" [National Thought] 1933, No. 29, p. 422. ; Rybarski Roman, O państwie policyjnym [About the surveillance State], "Myśl Narodowa" [National Thought] 1933, No. 20, pp. 273–275. ; Świętochowski Aleksander, Liberum veto, "Myśl Narodowa" [National Thought] 1929, No. 8, pp. 121–122. ; Tydzień propagandy trzeźwości [Sobriety propaganda week], "Głos Lubelski" [The Lublin Voice] 1930, No. 19, p. 5. ; Viator, Mistyka demokratyczna [Democratic mystique], "Myśl Narodowa" [National Thought] 1929, No. 18, p. 275. ; Wasilewski Z., Na widowni [In the audience], "Myśl Narodowa" [National Thought] 1937, No. 36, p. 568. ; Wasiutyński Wojciech, Najmłodsze pokolenie przez pryzmat "Myśli nowoczesnego Polaka" [The youngest generation seen through the prism of the modern Pole's thought], "Myśl Narodowa" [National Thought] 1931, No. 40, p. 112. ; Niklewiczowa Maria, Pan Roman. 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