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This article focuses on how the anthropological study of media—through an examination of its production, circulation, and consumption—elucidates issues of social organization, political economy, and alternative visions for political futures. By bringing together the studies of visual media, social movements, and hegemonic power by anthropologists and ethnographers of media since the turn of the twenty-first century, this review article provides a critical understanding of research about our current media environment, where scholarship within anthropology is heading in these domains, and what looking at these three fields together can mean for a more robust understanding of our political, social, and cultural futures.

AbstractThis article provides a broad, cross‐disciplinary overview of scholarship which has explored the dynamics between social movements, protests and their coverage by mainstream media across sociology, social movement studies, political science and media and communications. Two general approaches are identified 'representational' and 'relational' research. 'Representational' scholarship is that which has concerned itself with how social movements are portrayed or 'framed' in the media, how the media production process facilitates this, and the consequences thereof. 'Relational' scholarship concentrates on the asymmetrical 'relationship' between social movements, the contestation of media representation and the media strategies of social movements. Within these two broad approaches different perspectives and areas of emphasis are highlighted along with their strengths and weaknesses. The conclusion reflects on current developments in this area of study and offers avenues for future research.

<p>In 1968 social movements sparked rhetorical discourses which occurred in many nations and on hundreds of colleges and in communities across the United States. These rhetorical discourses ultimately changed the direction of human events. Sometimes these points of ideological protests shared views on specific issues, especially demonstrations against the Vietnam War, but each conflict was also its own local conflict. There is no evidence that any specific group organized the protests, or that speakers motivated demonstrations, or that the rhetoric of one protest caused other protests. Yet, the protests were not just spontaneous fires that happened to occur in the same year. So, how is it that so many protesters shared the desire for change and shared rhetoric, but each protest was sparked by local issues? Answering that question provides insight into how the rhetoric of social movements occurred in 1968. </p><p> Many scholars call for the study of the social movements of the 1960s. Jensen (1996) argues, "The events of the 1960s dramatically increased the interest in studying social movements and forced rhetorical scholars to reconsider their methods for studying public discourse" (p. 28). To Lucas (2006), "Words became weapons in the cultural conflict that divided America" (x). Schippa (2001) wrote, "Many accounts identify the 1960s as a turning point. For better or for worse, there was a confluence of changing rhetorical practices, expanding rhetorical theories, and opportunities for rhetorical criticism. The cultural clashes of the 1960s were felt perhaps most acutely on college campuses. The sufficiency of deliberative argument and public address can be said to have been called into question, whether one was an antiwar activist who hated LBJ's war in Vietnam or a pro-establishment stalwart trying to make sense of the rhetoric of protest and demonstration. Years later, scholars would characterize war itself as rhetorical. What counted as rhetorical practice was up for grabs"(p. 261).</p> First, this paper will frame the protest movement of 1968. Then, we will search for the common factors that shaped the protests of 1968, focusing on the role of music. This analysis will provide insight into how music became a rhetorical force in a significant social movement of the 20th Century.

Drawn from Emile Durkheim's (1965) theory of ritual & social solidarity, the construction of solidarity & collective identity through symbolic constructionist means is analyzed in the case of the Irish Land War, 1879-1882. Focus is on the role of emotions in this revolt by the Irish peasants against the landlord system imposed by the British. The concepts of emotional structure, metaphors of emotions, & paradigm scenarios are used to analyze meaning construction, solidarity, & political alliance in the formation of the peasants' movement. Examples drawn from accounts of meetings of movement participants are offered to demonstrate the "master narratives of emotion" that were utilized to unite the peasants & initiate their militant actions. K. Hyatt Stewart

Drawn from Emile Durkheim's (1965) theory of ritual & social solidarity, the construction of solidarity & collective identity through symbolic constructionist means is analyzed in the case of the Irish Land War, 1879-1882. Focus is on the role of emotions in this revolt by the Irish peasants against the landlord system imposed by the British. The concepts of emotional structure, metaphors of emotions, & paradigm scenarios are used to analyze meaning construction, solidarity, & political alliance in the formation of the peasants' movement. Examples drawn from accounts of meetings of movement participants are offered to demonstrate the "master narratives of emotion" that were utilized to unite the peasants & initiate their militant actions. K. Hyatt Stewart

Social movements frequently fail to achieve the policy changes they seek, despite impressive demonstrations of widespread support. Yet movement participation has become increasingly popular as a form of political action. The authors seek to resolve this dilemma by distinguishing between three arenas of movement success: changing policy, gaining participation in the policy process, and changing social values. It is suggested that gaining access to the policy process is the most effective path for movement organizations to have an impact on policy outcomes, because authorities are often more willing to offer inclusion in the process than they are to accept movement demands for policy change. The authors' hypotheses are examined in light of the experience of the nuclear freeze movement, which sought and failed to achieve policy change, and the movement to control hazardous wastes, in which environmentalists are having an impact on policy by gaining participation in regulatory and implementation decisions.

Why do targets of social movement activities respond to movements in the ways they do? Many factors play a role in shaping targets' responses to social movement activities. This article focuses on one particular factor: targets' perceptions of social movement claims. The article argues that a target's understanding of a social movement's claims helps shape its response, which, in turn, shapes the evolution of the social movement. Two cases of social mobilization, one in response to water privatization in Bolivia and the other in response to rising corn prices in Mexico, serve as a lens through which to explore these issues. In each case, differences in how public authorities understood the movements' claims help explain why they reacted in starkly different ways to the emerging movements. Where officials appreciated the symbolic value of the good at stake, they acted quickly to curtail resistance. Where officials failed to grasp those meanings, they dismissed the potential for widespread mobilization and inadvertently accelerated movement growth.

All too frequently, governments kill social movement leaders in an attempt to halt challenges to state power. Sometimes such repression yields its intended effect; other times it produces a powerful backlash, strengthening mass commitment and bolstering protest. In this article, the authors propose hypotheses accounting for these divergent outcomes. Comparing El Salvador's liberation movement with Nigeria's Ogoni autonomy movement, they hypothesize that in addition to a movement's political opportunity structure, four factors internal to the movement matter: the type of leader, the movement's ideology of martyrdom, the leader's embodiment of a shared group identity, and the movement's preexisting unity.

The article is a study of two tribal movements based on development-induced displacements in contemporary Orissa. In fact, all the two micro-movement studies are resistance movements against mining based heavy metal industries, e.g. against the Utkal Alumina International Ltd. (UAIL) at Kashipur and against the Vedanta Aluminium Ltd. (VAL) at Lanjigarh. Based on both primary and secondary data, the study is an exercise in new social movement theory. Within the analytical framework of new social movement perspective, the article attempts to explore the nature and extent of displacement and loss of livelihood caused by the projects along with the issues of disappearing tribal culture and tribal identity with the advent of modernity and its corresponding alien culture. Further, it explores the extent of politicisation of the movements. In its continued exploration, the article articulates the role of the civil society (intellectuals, mass media, activists' organisations and NGOs) in shaping the course of the movement. Lastly, it explicates the questions on development discourse and emergent policy issues from these micro-movements.

This article casts new light on the processes of collective claims and identity formation in social movements, with the help of the radical political framework of Laclau and Mouffe (Hegemony and socialist strategy: towards a radical democratic politics, Verso, London, 2001). Polish tenants, classified as "losers" of transition and marginalized in the mainstream discourse, nevertheless act collectively, mobilizing alliances with other democratic struggles and thus challenge the hegemony of neoliberal dogmas in the country. The very fact of mobilization of a socially and economically deprived group demanding the right to the city is provocative in the studied context. The empirical foundations of our study are 20 in-depth semi-structured interviews conducted with Polish tenants' activists cross-referenced with media material produced by and about the movement, and previous studies on the topic. The contribution of this article is twofold: it combines social movement theory with radical political framework and fills the empirical gap in the body of literature on social movements in post-socialist Europe.

Theories and concepts for understanding the political logic of social movements' everyday activities, particularly those which relate directly to political goals, have been increasingly important since the late 1970s. The notion of 'prefigurative politics' is becoming established in this debate and refers to scenarios where protesters express the political 'ends' of their actions through their 'means', or where they create experimental or 'alternative' social arrangements or institutions. Both meanings share the idea that prefiguration anticipates or partially actualises goals sought by movements. This article uses narratives and observations gathered in social movement 'free spaces', autonomous social centres in Barcelona, to evaluate, critique and rearticulate the concept. Participants' attention to the 'means' through which protest is carried out and emphasis on projects such as experimentation with alternative social and organisational forms suggest they engage in prefigurative politics. However, the article uses these examples to dispute the key ways through which prefiguration has been defined, arguing that it can better be deployed in referring to the relations, and tensions, between a set of political priorities. Understood as such, prefigurative politics combines five processes: collective experimentation, the imagining, production and circulation of political meanings, the creating of new and future-oriented social norms or 'conduct', their consolidation in movement infrastructure, and the diffusion and contamination of ideas, messages and goals to wider networks and constituencies. © 2014 © 2014 Taylor & Francis.