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Global yoga has become exceptionally popular. The emic description of this global yoga network is often called Yogaland. This paper maps out some of the key topographical features of this metaphysical, social imaginary –scape, and situates the physical body of the global yoga practitioner within a complex entanglement of intersecting social, political, economic and theological 'worlds'. This paper first explores how the concept of spiritual bypass effects a particular averted gaze towards problematic issues within Yogaland. This leads to the second part of the paper that discusses the fundamental nature of entanglement, which often involves being entangled in worlds the individual would not want, mean to be, or perhaps even be aware, exist. Therefore, this paper identifies ways in which global yoga participants are socialised through their neo-liberal subjectivities to unwittingly support, in an often banal way, a Hindu supremacist ideology; which, in turn, can lead to a type of 'yoga fundamentalism'.

Historical dynamism, moral and religious dimensions, and even the sacral and soteriological sense of our journey through this world can all be found in Judaism. However, it was Christianity which overcame the temporal and national limitations proper to the Old-Testament conception, providing new traits to the idea of a 'people'. This idea was at the root of political theories (especially, those of Spaniards Vitoria and Suárez) which decisively influenced Modern Age. Nevertheless, it was subsequently transformed and distorted by Liberal and Marxist traditions. Traditions which, however, have shown themselves incapable of building neither the unity needed by peoples, nor the universality to which our nature points, nor the attention demanded of the neediest human beings. Nowadays, to respond to these challenges in a democratic and pluralist environment, it is essential that a moral common faith, structured around a set of objective principles accessible to everybody (but of a Christian inspiration) exists. In the case of politicians, it demands to exist with and for the people.

This paper considers the important events and challenges as they per- tain to female governance in the "New Tunisia", resulting in large part from the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) elections charged with writing a new constitution. The analysis focuses on the role women played in the election process, including women's participation in the interim government (January 2011-November 9, 2011) and political parties. It continues with an in depth ex- amination of the debates and actions that emergedamong various factions during the first two years following the revolution, which has led to increased concern about the preservation of Tunisian women's rights. The principal re- search question asks, "To what extend have Tunisian women been able to par- ticipate actively in shaping the new Tunisia and will this trend continue?" The study integrates several investigative approaches: historical narrative of fac- tual events, participant observation (from both researchers), interviews, and careful review of the ongoing actions and activities of women's groups and societal challenges since October 23, 2011, which in turn, has spunconsiderable debate within Tunisian society about the status of women in the new Tunisia.

Abstrak. Artikel ini hendak menjelaskan tentang pemberitaan yang terkait Islam di Media mainstream Barat. Pemberitaan di media mainstream barat cenderung negative. Islam itu identic dengan musuh peradaban. Artikel ini berasumsi bahwa pemberitaan negative tentang Islam di Barat dikarenakan adanya tindakan-tindakan yang dilakukan oleh sebagian kelompok migran muslim yang kurang dapat berhubungan dengan baik sesama anggota masyarakat di Barat. Pada era post Truth pemberitaan media tentang Islam sebenarnya dipengaruhi persoalan kepentingan ekonomi dan politik dari kebijakan media. Pemberitaan media tentang Islam merupakan hal yang sangat kompleks tidak hanya dapat dilihat dalam perspektif yang tungal. Artikel ini mempergunakan pendekatan kritis atas perspektif yang digunakan oleh media-media Barat mainstream ketika memberitakan muslim di Eropa. Jika pada persoalan agama dan politik maka media Barat harus dilihat bagaimana mendidik agar kita menjadi "melek media" bagi kalangan masyarakat. Abstract. This article asserts that the imagination of religion and politics in the era of post-truth media can be said to be negative. Religion and politics are mutually antagonistic. Even among supporters of political forces hostile to each other due to religion. This paper provides an explanation that due to media portrayals, especially the foreign media about the impact of Islam is worrying enough in the era of post-truth. Media portrayals of religion and politics are negative then the public needs to get a reinforcement-strengthening (media literacy) relating to religion and politics in the era of post-truth. This article also explains that there is a fairly complex problem when the media provides related depictions of religion and politics, especially related to Islam in the spotlight in the international media and the mainstream media. This article is not directly about to give a critique of the media portrayal of the religion (Islam) in particular and the world of politics going on, because the adherents of a religion does not necessarily become enemies of each other. If you bring religion and politics as the enemy that happens is the commodification religion and politics by the media so that the media does not educate people but just a mere profiteering.

By its virtue of not declaring any religion as State religion, the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria has been adjudged by many to be temporal, and Nigeria, a secular state. However, the level at which religion influences governance and vice versa has begged for the question, is Nigeria really a secular state? In this paper, we attempt an interrogation into the origins and radicalization of religiosity in Nigeria's profanity. Adopting the Huntington's Clash of Civilizations model as a framework, the work argues that the two preponderant religions – Islam and Christianity – have been in a serious struggle to influence the outlook, maintain status quo or exert control over the various levels of governments in Nigeria. The implication, the work has discovered, is that efforts by the government to appease these religious forces by maintaining equilibrium has culminated in institutional and structural reforms that have transformed the country's political orientation, by action, to a theocratic diarchy amidst the aura of secularism. There is, therefore, a need for nomenclature revision.

Smith reviews Islamic Britain: Religion, Politics and Identity among British Muslims by Philip Lewis.

'The War of the Gods: Religion and Politics in Latin America' by Michael Lowy is reviewed.

AbstractThe study of political religion has focused on how religious structure and substance came to permeate grand political ideologies such as fascism and communism. The relevance of various relatively veiled forms of religion in modern day-to-day democratic politics has been undervalued and we therefore fail to appreciate to what extent, and how religious structure and substance have also penetrated conventional democratic politics. As a result, we do not comprehend that it is the progressive abolition of "quasi-messianism" in politics that is currently causing the existential problem of democracy, namely massive political disaffection. Quasi-messianism concerned the visionary anticipation of a better world that is attainable, here and in the distant, yet foreseeable future. This promise accorded politics an enchanting quality. Quite down-to-earth political ventures got charged with an inspiring and imaginative sense of purpose, direction, and meaning, but equally with this-worldly catalysts, which, in contrast to the political-religious grand utopias, were operational and practical. In this quality, some mass political projects or elite missions developed a capacity to enchant the political elite and the public alike. Hence the thesis that it is the disenchantment of politics, which lies at the heart of the contemporary phenomenon of waning political allegiance.

Antisemitism has long been found on both the political far-right and farleft. The recent rise in antisemitism worldwide raises the question of whether current antisemitism is found more with the far-right or far-left, the former a function of right-wing populism and the latter with what has been termed the new antisemitism. This paper uses data from the 2014 round of the European Social Survey in 20 nations to test for the connection between ideological selfplacement and antisemitic attitudes in mass publics. Analysis finds greater levels of antisemitism with the extreme far-right compared to the far-left, but extreme leftists appear slightly more antisemitic than moderate leftist. Further, there is less antisemitism than anti-Muslim and anti-Roma (Gypsy) attitudes at all positions on the left-right continuum. The conclusion puts the findings into context and suggests directions for future research.

Malloy reviews 'Let Justice Roll: Prophetic Challenges in Religion, Politics and Society' edited by Neal Riemer.

Throughout human history, religion and politics have entertained the most intimate of connections as systems of authority regulating individuals and society. While the two have come apart through the process of secularization, secularism is challenged today by the return of public religion. This cogent analysis unravels the nature of the connection, disconnection, and attempted reconnection between religion and politics in the West. In a comparison of Western Europe and North America, Christianity and Islam, Joppke advances far-reaching theoretical, historical, and comparative-political argume.