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The 'epistemic' violence that has beset gender discourses in education refutes the claim that progress is measured by figures and numbers of Jordanian women in schools and the workplace. While such discourses demand to be contextualized, deconstructed and resisted, they also necessitate creating a link between political praxis and gender politics. My argument centres on the indispensable role critical discourse can play in locating these instances of 'epistemic' violence and revealing the manner in which the themes of constructed gender knowledge have been subjugated to the political praxis of each context. Interventions by donors and NGOs have more often than not been emasculated by the political considerations of governments and establishments. The result has been 'disciplined' gender politics in education, perpetuating traditional discursive practices, roles and stereotypes instead of acting as an emancipatory power. Human development reports and traditional literature on gender bias in education have failed to account for such discursive/power practices. In this paper, I shed light on the national, the international and the textual 'knowledge' that surrounds gender bias in education in a context like Jordan. I conclude by demonstrating the importance of the national and its discursive practices in reformulating approaches based on the international (human development reports) and the textual (literature on gender bias and stereotypes in education).

Chinese schools are thought to have begun in the Western Zhou (11th century to 770 B.C.), and continued through Confucius' time (551-479 B.C., and far beyond), emphasizing the "six arts"-ritual, music, archery, charioteering, history (including calligraphy), and mathematics. Extrapolating, adapting, and charting these Confucian ideals through several historic eras, the authors use a systems theory-based web model to demonstrate these cultural in uences on Chinese higher education. The authors also argue that this "Confucian" web deeply in uenced Deng Xiaoping's "long march" towards China's global development. Political, financial, technological, social and cultural imperatives of China's entrance into the global mainstream have, in turn, further affected the escalating evolution of education in China's universities. The authors-professors in both the American and the Chinese higher education systems-also develop an argument for delving deeply into culture, utilizing historical-critical methodology, buttressed by a conceptual understanding useful in analyzing the development of similar systems throughout the world. In addition, they present an historic, multi-faceted view of China's many incursions into the global world system, to build a truly astonishing higher education system in 2009. This rapid response further illustrates the strong foundation and societal and governmental support-upon which the current Chinese educational system continues to build. ; https://vc.bridgew.edu/fac_books/1087/thumbnail.jpg

"Based on the 2003 Clark Kerr Lectures, A Larger Sense of Purpose draws from Harold T. Shapiro's twenty-five years of experience in leading major research universities, and takes up key topics of debate in higher education. What are the nature and objectives of a liberal education? How should universities address the increasing commercialization not only of intercollegiate sports, but of education and research? What are the university's responsibilities for the moral education of students?" "The book begins with an expanded history of the modern research institution followed by essays on ethics, the academic curriculum, the differences between private and public higher education, the future of intellectual property rights, and the changing relationship between the nation's universities and the for-profit sector." "Shapiro calls for universities to be more accountable morally as well as academically. He urges scientists not only to educate others about the potential and limitations of science but also to acknowledge the public's distress over the challenges presented by the very success of the scientific enterprise. He advocates for a more intimate connection between professional training and the liberal arts - in the hope that future doctors, lawyers, and business executives will be educated in ethics and the social sciences as well as they are in anatomy, torts, and leveraged buyouts."--Jacket

As a fundamental aspect of the human experience, sexuality is experienced at every stage in the life span. Sexual values, behaviors, and health are important components of individual and family well‐being. Educating about such a fundamental aspect of life is both obvious and crucial. In this article, we consider the potential of sexuality education in the field and profession of family life education (FLE). We critique sexuality education in the United States and the marginal place of human sexuality in the FLE field. We then offer recommendations for incorporating life span, socioecological, family systems, and intersectionality perspectives into sexuality education, and recommendations for FLE and sexuality education research and practice. We argue that educating about sexuality in the context of FLE—and activating the profession of FLE for sexuality education—will strategically advance sexuality education, sexual health, and the field of
FLE.

This article seeks to re-conceptualise the notion of state capacity in order to develop a formulation that better approximates the realities of contemporary developing states. Four strands of argument are developed in the article. First, it identifies the critical factors shaping contemporary processes of state transformation, centred on analysing the significance of globalisation, democratisation, liberalisation and the new security agenda. Second, it interrogates the limitations of the dominant technocratic approach to state reform. Third, the article examines the limitations of approaches to state capacity building predicated on the 'command-hierarchy' approach, contrasting this with the 'influence-network' model centred on forms of engagement with multiple actors and institutions operating outside the boundaries of centralised, national states. Fourth, and in contrast to the influence-network approach, the article advances the notion of a spectrum of hybrid state forms, each associated with differing types of capacity that relate to the structural characteristics of contemporary states that are changing in response to globalisation and other exogenous factors.

ABSTRACTWe model the decisions of young individuals to stay in school or drop out and engage in criminal activities. We build on the literature on human capital and crime engagement and use the framework of Banerjee (1993) that assumes that the information needed to engage in crime arrives in the form of a rumour and that individuals update their beliefs about the profitability of crime relative to education. These assumptions allow us to study the effect of social interactions on crime. In our model, we investigate informational spillovers from the actions of talented students to less talented students. We show that policies that decrease the cost of education for talented students may increase the vulnerability of less talented students to crime. The effect is exacerbated when students do not fully understand the underlying learning dynamics.

The emergence of a community-based education paradigm is triggered by a large flow of modernization and democratization. Education should be decentralized. Its implementation in schools should be collaborative, and the principal has a big hand in this. Therefore, this study aims to examine the involvement or participation of the principal in improving the quality of Islamic Religious Education (PAI) community-based in junior high school. The data are collected through in-depth interviews, observations, literature studies and documentation instruments. This study shows that the principal's concern on religious affairs and the improvement of the quality of PAI learning is relatively high. This can be seen from his programs conducting recitation on Islamic and national holidays, Dhuha studies, tahfidz one day one verse, book of yaumi and verse book, tajwid learning or tahsin for teachers, qurban animal repayment and highly motivating teachers to have skills, develop existing curriculum, and improve the competence of teaching based on social piety.

This study is divided in three parts: 1) Descriptive analytical study of the Iraqi youth education systems, formal and non-formal, during the 1921-1980 period in his social context. 2) Descriptive analytical study of the Egyptian youth education as a case for comparison, especially from 1922 until 1980 in its social context. 3) In the final part a comparison is made, that prepares a better understanding of the problems studied and suggestions are made for decision making and policy. A summary with an additional evaluation and some proposals for policy making and desirable further research concludes this study

Despite the recent retreat of multiculturalism in various European countries, forms of multicultural education are favored and practiced in many of these countries. These educational practices are considered desirable and necessary for the development of positive inter-ethnic relations. After considering conceptions of multicultural education, we discuss multilevel quantitative research on perceived multicultural education and its effects on inter-ethnic attitudes among early adolescents in the Netherlands. The positive effects of multicultural education are interpreted in terms of children's improved cultural knowledge and understanding, and the establishment of anti-racism norms within the classroom. These two theoretical mechanisms can explain the positive impact of multicultural education on children's inter-ethnic attitudes. The review of the research is concluded by providing directions and suggestions for future research.

Im wissenschaftlichen Diskurs über politische Bildung lässt sich seit etwa dreißig Jahren eine starke Betonung empirischer Forschung feststellen. Durch die Entwicklung systematischer empirische Forschung hat sich zugleich die Frage nach der theoretischen Begründung der Politikdidaktik neu gestellt. Die Autorinnen und Autoren des vorliegenden Bandes untersuchen die Wissensvermittlung als eine Hauptaufgabe des Politikunterrichts. Sie verbinden sie mit individuellen Merkmalen wie der Motivation, unterrichtlichen Determinanten wie der Unterrichtsqualität und Kontextfaktoren wie dem Migrationshintergrund. Die theoretischen und empirischen Entwicklungen haben zu einer Ausdifferenzierung der Politikdidaktik und zu einem neuen Blick auf die Praxis des Politikunterrichts geführt. Der Inhalt Theorieaspekte der Politikkompetenz Empirische Studien zum politischen Wissen und den Einflussfaktoren Die Zielgruppen Studierende der Politikdidaktik und Politikwissenschaft Lehrkräfte in der schulischen politischen Bildung Der Herausgeber Dr. Georg Weißeno ist Professor für Politikwissenschaft und ihre Didaktik an der Pädagogischen Hochschule Karlsruhe

This book is concerned with racism and education in Britain. It aims to seek greater understanding of the nature and endurance of racism within education practice in the 21st century and to examine the relationship between racism and the educational experiences and outcomes of many Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) children and young people, with reference to school and university. Employing Critical Race Theory, Critical Whiteness Theory and Intersectionality, this structural analysis traces the historical and contemporary development of racism in education. White privilege and White supremacy, it is argued, are central to the perpetuation of racism and the failure to either understand or recognise the systemic nature of racial oppression. The book focuses on Britain, but the analysis locates racism as a global phenomenon. In spite of decades of policies on 'race' equality in Britain, BAME children and young people continue to be discriminated against and are failed by the education system. Applying a theoretical analysis of racism and White supremacy and privilege to an examination of government policies and research in schools and universities, the nature and extent of racism is revealed in the educational experiences of young people.

State-owned enterprises and sovereign wealth funds have 'insured' Singapore's domestic economy against financial crisis and restructuring interventions from multilateral institutions, engendered elite cohesion and political stability, binding middle class employees to the political system. This essay analyses paths by which the Singapore government established state-owned enterprises and transformed them into global enterprises. It also examines how sovereign wealth funds contribute to government social expenditure without increasing taxes. Such redistribution through state capitalism resonates with the People's Action Partys social democratic origins, inviting comparisons with contemporary developments in Chinese state-capitalism. (Pac Rev/GIGA)