Suchergebnisse

This paper argues for the pragmatic construction of Confucian democracy by showing that Chinese philosophers who wish to see Confucianism flourish again as a positive dimension of Chinese civilization need to approach it pragmatically and democratically, otherwise their love of the past is at the expense of something else Confucius held in equal esteem, love of learning. Chinese philosophers who desire democracy for China would do well to learn from the earlier failures of the iconoclastic Westernizers, and realize that a Chinese democracy cannot come about by ignoring or dismissing such an important part of China's history, its Confucian tradition. The best chances for democracy in China lie in transforming that tradition without destroying it. Eagerness to learn from others must be united with a proper appreciation of one's own past to nurture democracy as a way of life.

The leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) who seized power in Beijing in 1949 viewed Tibet as Chinese territory. In this respect, they were no different from previous rulers of China. The chairman of the CCP, Mao Zedong, carefully devised a plan to re-annex Tibet, which had been effectively independent of China since 1911. The CCP's recent victory in the Chinese civil war gave Mao high confidence that he could reclaim Tibet without provoking outside intervention. Such a move not only would bring international political benefits but would also carry a symbolic meaning at home and thereby legitimize the rule of the CCP. Although Mao sent troops to Tibet, he also planned to rely on negotiations and coercive diplomacy. This article highlights the complicated relationships that emerged on the international scene as a result of China's actions in the early 1950s.

The evolution of different forms of nationalism as national ideology in South Korea (state nationalism domineering over ethno-nationalism) and in the People's Democratic Republic of China (socialism of our pattern, North Korean nation superiority and pan-nationalism of Korea) is examined. These forms were found to resemble each other A conception of the two society union based on integration of the culture subsystem is proposed. ; The evolution of different forms of nationalism as national ideology in South Korea (state nationalism domineering over ethno-nationalism) and in the People's Democratic Republic of China (socialism of our pattern, North Korean nation superiority and pan-nationalism of Korea) is examined. These forms were found to resemble each other A conception of the two society union based on integration of the culture subsystem is proposed.

Content of this study ist the examination of the influence of personality and context related variables on socio-cultural as well as psychological adjustment. A sample of 139 German speaking expatriates in China participated in standardized interviews and filled out a personality questionnaire (NEO-PI-R). Other-ratings of adjustment were provided by supervisors, colleagues, or employees (N=69) of the interviewee. Results show that with exception of Conscientiousness the Big Five predict adjustment. Likewise, context related variables were found to be related to the adjustment of expatriates. ; Inhalt dieser empirischen Studie ist die Untersuchung des Einflusses von Persönlichkeit und kontextspezifischen Variablen auf die soziokulturelle und psychologische Anpassung. Eine Stichprobe von 139 deutschsprachigen Auslandsmitarbeitern in China nahm an standardisierten Interviews sowie an einem Persönlichkeitstest (NEO-PI-R) teil. Die Fremdeinschätzung der Anpassung erfolgte durch Vorgesetzte, Kollegen oder Mitarbeiter (N=69) der Interviewten. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass mit Ausnahme von Gewissenhaftigkeit, die Big Five Anpassung vorhersagen können. Ebenfalls ziegen kontextspezifische Variablen einen Einfluss auf die Anpassung der Auslandsmitarbeiter.

Nuances of China's foreign and security policy should be traced to domestic factors like state-society relationship, economic reforms and political stability. And clearly domestic priorities will affect the choices that China makes in the first quarter of this century. Domestic political and economic changes have expanded China's notions of security and transformed its foreign policy and strategic priorities. As a result, the objectives of China's foreign policy, as well as the tactics and strategies employed to achieve these, have changed. Most important, however, has been the impact on the policy choices that China has made, and will likely make, to achieve its foreign policy objectives. These policy choices will significantly affect the strategic environment in the region, especially for neighbours like India who have an increasing stake in regional stability and the extension of their regional and global influence.

The rapid development of the Peoples' Republic of China has put increasing strains on an overwhelmed administrative and bureaucratic structure that was already hobbled by persistent inefficiency and corruption. In addition to anti-corruption and professionalization campaigns, the government has devised a system of e-governance with the goal of adding stability and order to a chaotic governing process. This includes re-establishing the control of the governing authorities, including improving the quality of surveillance and data gathering and hence policy-making; the elimination of corruption; and ultimately, the re-legitimation of the Communist Party of China. This paper discusses the critical administrative and political problems facing the government, demonstrates ways in which e-government has been designed to meet these, and discusses the problems presented by a reliance on e-government in a developing country.

In a detailed analysis of the Cold War situation as seen from China the authors characterize the situation as stable, but they criticize the two superpowers in that era for working only to maintain the stability of their armed standoff rather than to end the reasons for it. In considering the present situation they caution against rapid change &, in particular, the discarding of the ABM treaty, acknowledging that China drew considerable strategic benefit for its small nuclear forces from the absence of effective anti-ballistic missile systems. In the final section of the paper they state a preference for a system where there is no reliance on deterrence but where nuclear weapons are removed from the security situation by strong commitments to 'no first use' & by rapid progress to nuclear disarmament. Adapted from the source document.

Urban and rural China are worlds apart, separated in almost every imaginable way: lifestyle, daily concerns, family relationships, economic needs, empowerment, and demographic development. Three-quarters of the country's population still lives in the countryside. Who are the peasantry today? Howdo they live? What hardships do they endure? How do rural society and families deal with political and social changes? How do they react to compulsory birth limitation? In many cases, peasant families have remained the poor relation of Chinese society, victims of inequalities of all kinds: in income, access to health and education, and access to the "modern world," the consumer society. To speak of China as a homogeneous, egalitarian, and united society must now more than ever be an absurdity, for there are in fact at least two Chinas, one urban and one rural.

Throughout their long & brutal existence, the Soviet intelligence & security services produced numerous shadowy figures whose work accorded those services a unique effectiveness. This article lifts the veil of secrecy from one of the most ruthless & merciless of those figures, N. I. Eitingon. During his 30+-year career as a security operative, Eitingon was involved in a virtual catalogue of the security & intelligence services' most infamous exploits spanning the globe from Mexico to the People's Republic of China. In peacetime he was instrumental in Soviet espionage activities in China, the US, & Western Europe & in the assassination of Stalin's arch enemy Leon Trotsky. During wartime, Eitingon was instrumental in the formation of reconnaissance & diversionary forces, the forerunners of the infamous postwar Spetnaz. Fittingly, after the war's end, Eitingen fell victim to the very security organs he so ruthlessly & efficiently served. Adapted from the source document.

After initially insisting on the peaceful reunification of Korea, Josif Stalin suddenly decided in early 1950 to give North Korean leader Kim Il Sung permission to invade South Korea. Documents from the Russian archives and materials published in China help explain this abrupt shift in Stalin's position. They show that Stalin carefully assessed the likely American reaction and mistakenly concluded that North Korean forces would quickly seize South Korea, giving the United States no opportunity to respond. The documents also reveal that Stalin's attitude toward Korea was strongly influenced by Sino-Soviet relations in 1949–1950, particularly his desire to maintain Soviet privileges on Chinese territory and his concern that Beijing would challenge Moscow's leadership of the international Communist movement. Stalin believed that a North Korean invasion of the South would greatly strengthen the Soviet Union's leverage vis-a-vis China.

The career and life expectations of male and female Chinese students and graduates of the Certified General Accountants (CGA) Canada program in China were explored using a survey and semi‐structured interviews. The results of the survey were compared to data from students of a leading Canadian business school. Chinese students of both sexes show a much higher level of commitment to their careers than their Canadian counterparts. Despite this commitment, their qualifications, and the critical shortage of professionally trained people in China, female Chinese students are pessimistic about their prospects for career advancement. They cite negative stereotypes, lack of mentors and role models, isolation, and a lack of organizational policies enabling them to successfully fulfill their parental roles as major barriers. This is consistent with the North American literature on the "glass ceiling".

There is a continuing struggle between the demand of a market economy for judicial efficiency, impartiality, and professional conduct on the one hand, and the resistance of the traditional ideology to judicial reform, on the other. The current discipline campaign, as a temporary movement, will undoubtedly reduce the incidence of corruption scandals and result in the punishment of violators over a short period. The tougher job, nevertheless, is to reform the current system by introducing a supervisory scheme thai will deter and deal with abuses effectively in the long run. This will improve the quality of the entire judiciary and further develop true judicial independence in China. In terms of the big picture, the upgrading of judicial performance will not be achieved in isolation, but to a large degree, depend on the progress of the rule of law in China. ; published_or_final_version

This article attempts to blend the insights of development economics and political economy in order to analyse industrial policy in Hong Kong. It describes the lack of industrial upgrading, the process of de‐industrialization, and the over‐reliance on the service sector, and examines the political economy of the functional industrial policy practised in Hong Kong, as well as its limitation. The author suggests that the political change from a colony to a special administrative region of China provides a context for Hong Kong State to undertake a more interventionist, industry‐specific policy, the success of which will depend on a combination of two factors: state autonomy against the excessive influence of Beijing, and state capacity to guard against corruption and to enhance a mutually‐beneficial regional co‐operation in the South China region.

For the last four years, Article 19, together with the Hong Kong Journalists Association (HKJA), has campaigned for the review and/or removal of certain laws from Hong Kong's statute books before the handover to China. Their aim has been and continues to be an insistence that China preserve Hong Kong's legal commitment to recognise and uphold the fundamental rights set out in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Their latest joint annual report, China's Challenge, covers the period 1 July 1995 - 30 June 1996 and refocuses attention on the Chinese government in the hope of establishing a dialogue. It also warns the UK government of the dangers of leaving its present security laws a hostage to fortune in Beijing's hands. The following excerpts pinpoint continuing concerns about freedom of expression

Hong Kong citizens in 1995 chose the most democratic legislature in their 150-year history, yet Chinese leaders insist the election was "unfair and unreasonable" and did "not truly reflect the will of the Hong Kong people." They have vowed to abolish that legislature immediately upon assumption of sovereignty in 1997. Britain has conceded all major points to China and has agreed to postpone the creation of the Court of Final Appeal until 1997. There is cause to believe that China has no understanding of the rule of law, which is Hong Kong's greatest legacy and which is essential to its existence and to its dynamic economy. Its attack on the Bill of Rights is a major threat. There are enlightened voices within China's leadership. They must prevail if Hong Kong is to survive.