Suchergebnisse

Los aportes conceptuales y metodológicos de este trabajo se desarrollan a partir de reconocer la importancia que tienen las ciudades para el Desarrollo Sostenible global. Para avanzar en el conocimiento de esta problemática se caracterizan los aspectos sociales, ambientales y económicos en el contexto urbano latinoamericano y se analizan, en concreto, las dificultades que presentan las ciudades de tamaño mediano para su sostenibilidad. La revisión del tema de estudio se centra en la evolución que han tenido durante la última década en América Latina la investigación, la gestión y la evaluación del desarrollo urbano sostenible y la incidencia de los principales enfoques en los modelos aplicados para la sostenibilidad de la ciudad. El análisis de los resultados permite afirmar que para orientar la planificación del desarrollo sostenible es necesario construir metodologías más apropiadas para conocer la realidad urbana de las ciudades latinoamericanas en el contexto de la sostenibilidad. La propuesta de la metodología de planificación integra la investigación, la gestión y la evaluación y desarrolla las bases conceptuales y los instrumentos para cada uno de los componentes así: para la investigación define los criterios básicos para la interdisciplinariedad y la participación comunitaria y propone como instrumento metodológico el Perfil de Desarrollo Sostenible. Para la gestión define las características técnicas y políticas de actuación y propone estrategias para implementar la Agenda Local 21. Para la evaluación diseña un sistema en el que se definen las dimensiones, los componentes, los fenómenos y los indicadores que permitirán evaluar el estado en que se encuentran las ciudades y conocer el índice o tendencia de sostenibilidad urbana. Como parte integral del proceso metodológico de este trabajo se aplican los indicadores y se calcula el índice de sostenibilidad en cuatro ciudades medianas de América Latina, tomadas como estudio de caso: Curitiba y Porto Alegre en Brasil y Cali y Medellín en Colombia. En las diversas fases de interpretación y análisis crítico del sistema propuesto se realizaron reuniones de consulta con miembros de la Red Latinoamericana de Estudios Ambientales Urbanos para llegar al consenso sobre los indicadores. Finalmente, se plantea una propuesta de escenario de trabajo futuro para la sostenibilidad urbana de la ciudad de Cali. Con el resultado de esta investigación se pretende avanzar en la construcción conceptual y metodológica que aporte al estudio de la sostenibilidad en un sistema tan complejo como el urbano y motive el desarrollo de futuras investigaciones. ; The conceptual and methodological contributions of the present research are developed on the basis of the recognition of the relevance that the cities have with regard to the Global Sustainable Development. In order to advance in the knowledge of this issue the social, economical and environmental aspects in the Latin American urban context have been distinguished, and the difficulties that the medium-sized cities cause to sustainability have been analyzed. The review of the topic analyzed is focused on the evolution that the research, the management and the assessment of the urban sustainable development have had during this last decade in Latin America and on the impact of the main approaches upon the models applied for the sustainability of the city. The analysis of the results obtained leads us to state that it is necessary to built more appropriate methodologies in order to study the urban reality of the Latin American cities in the context of sustainability, as well as to guide its planning. The town planning proposal integrates the research, the management and the assessment, and develops the conceptual and methodological grounds of each of the referred components as follows: With regard to the research component, this proposal defines the basic criteria for the interdisciplinary nature, community participation and proposes as a methodological instrument the Profile of Sustainable Development. With regard to the management component, the present proposal defines the technical and political characteristics of action and sets out strategies for the implementation of the Local Agenda 21. Finally, this proposal designs, for the assessment component, a system in which the dimensions, the components, the variables, as well as the indicators that will allow us to assess the state and know the tendency or urban sustainability index, are integrated. As an integral part of the methodological process of this research, the indicators, and the sustainability index, have been applied in four (4) medium-sized Latin American cities taken as objects of study: Curitiba and Porto Alegre in Brazil and Cali and Medellín in Colombia. During the several interpretation phases and the critical analysis of the system proposed, consulting meetings were carried out with members of the Red Latinoamericana de Estudios Ambientales Urbanos in order to reach a consensus on the indicators to be used. Finally, the future scenario of urban sustainability of the city of Cali is considered. The result of this research intends to be a conceptual and methodological advance that contributes significantly to the study of the sustainability of complex systems, such as the urban system. Furthermore, it hopes to encourages the development of future researches in this field. In fact, there is still a long way to go in order to reach scientific certainties or strengthened hypothesis' about a Sustainable Development Model that is still under construction, and which requires an interdisciplinary, participative and shared conception of town planning for sustainable cities of Latin America. ; Postprint (published version)

ÖZETAVRUPA BİRLİĞİ'NE GİRİŞ SÜRECİNDE ULUSAL ELEKTRİK ENERJİ POLİTİKASININ BELİRLENMESİ VE AVRUPA BİRLİĞİ ÜLKELERİ İLE KARŞILAŞTIRILMASIHem sanayi üretim faktörleri içerisinde yer alan hem de toplumun ihtiyaçlarının karşılanmasında rolü olan elektrik enerjisi, elektrik sektörünün işlem gören ürünüdür. Teknolojik gelişmelerle beraber ilerleyen zaman içerisinde dünyada oluşan farklı siyasal ve ekonomik hareketlenmeler elektrik sektörünü de etkilemiş ve sektörde reform hareketleri oluşturmuştur. 1990'lı yılların başından itibaren daha da hızlı bir ivme kazanan bu hareketler, sektörde yapısal değişimler ortaya çıkarmış ve sektörün yeniden yapılanmasını gerektirmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, AB'ne girmek isteyen aday ülke Türkiye için AB enerji politikalarına ve elektrik direktifine uygun bir ulusal elektrik enerjisi politikası belirlenmesidir. Bunu yaparken, AB ülkeleri ve elektrik sektörü yeniden yapılanan diğer dünya ülkelerinden alınan tecrübelerden yararlanılmaktadır. Ayrıca bu tezin diğer bir amacı da AB ülkeleri elektrik sektörlerinin yapılarını karşılaştırmaktır.Bu çalışma kapsamında, sektördeki yapısal modeller ele alınarak, elektrik sektöründe yeniden yapılanmanın işleyişinden, düzenlenmesi ile faaliyetlerin birbirinden ayrılmasından bahsedilmiştir. Buna bağlı olarak sektörde yeniden yapılanmanın ilk kez başladığı ülkeler olan; Şili, İngiltere, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Avustralya ile farklı nedenlerle Brezilya ve Arjantin'deki yeniden yapılanma hareketleri ve Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti'nin reform hareketleri üzerinde durulmuştur. Çalışmada, AB'nin temel enerji politikası ve elektrik direktifi kapsamında elektrik sektöründeki düzenlemeler ortaya konularak, AB üye ülkelerinin elektrik sektörlerinin yapıları; üretim kaynakları, arz talep dengesi, yeniden yapılanma gereksinimleri, öncesindeki yapıları, yasal süreç ve sektördeki yeni organizasyonları oluşturan kısımlarla birlikte aynı başlıklar altında ele alınmıştır. Ayrıca ülkelerin elektrik sektöründeki yapısal durumunun incelenmesi; düzenleme kurumu, sektöre katılan oyuncuların dikey ve yatay birleşmeleri ile üçüncü şahısların sisteme girişleri tablolarda belirtilmiştir. Aynı zamanda ülkelerde oluşturulmak istenen rekabetçi piyasa yapısına, oyuncuların ne derece katıldığı ifade edilmiştir. Bununla beraber yeniden yapılanma sürecinde ülkelerdeki temel elektrik göstergelerinin değişimi grafiksel olarak gösterilmiştir. Çalışmanın Türkiye bölümünde ise, elektrik sektöründeki yeniden yapılanma hareketi 4628 sayılı Elektrik Piyasası Kanununa ve diğer ülkeler için verilen kriterlere göre açıklanmıştır. Burada ülkenin elektrik enerjisi üretim kaynaklarının gelişimi, kaynak çeşitliliği ve farklı kurumlar açısından belirtilirken, üretim-tüketim dengesindeki durumda sunulmuştur. Ayrıca, SPSS paket program aracılığı ile çoklu regresyon ve korelasyon analizi yapılarak Türkiye için elektrik talebinde bulunulmuştur. Bu talep tahmini ile bazı kurumların yaptığı talep tahminleri de karşılaştırılmıştır. Aynı zamanda Türkiye elektrik sektörünün AB elektrik enerjisi politikalarına uyumunun ne derece gerçekleştiği incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın sonunda da Türkiye için farklı bir yapı önerisinde bulunulmuş, yeni bir organizasyon şeması oluşturulmuş ve sistemin işleyişi için bazı öneriler de sunulmuştur.Mart 2004 Bülent ORALABSTRACTTHE DETERMINATION OF NATIONAL ELECTRICAL ENERGY POLICY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION PARTICIPATION AND COMPARISON WITH THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIESElectrical energy is a processed product of electricity sector which is used both in industrial producing fields and supplying the requirement of a society.During the technological development, electricity sector has been effected by different political and economical activities and improvements, thus many reforms have occurred in the sector itself. Since the beginning of the 90's, these reforms have had a rapid velocity and many structural differences have appeared. So the sector has inevitably needed a radical restructurion.The main purpose of this dissertation is to determine a national electrical energy policy accepted by EU and electricity directive for the countries to join the EU such as Turkey. In this process, it is being benefited from the experiences of the EU and other countries, whose electricity sectors have already been restructured. The other purpose of the dissertation is holding a comparison for the electricity sector among the EU countries.In this concept, by taking the structural models in the sector into the consideration, it has been mentioned the unbundling of the process of the restructured electricity sector and its activities. It has been studied the restructurion of Chile, The UK, The USA and Australia in which the restructurion took place first; the restructurion of Brazil and Argentina which have different purposes; and the reformist approaches of the Republic of China.In this study, the regulating of electricity sectors has been explained about the concept of the main energy policy of the EU and the electricity directive. The structure of electricity of the EU countries have been respectively examined under the following topics: the generation sources, the supply and demand, the necessity of restructurion, the previous structuring studies, law actions, and the activities which formed the organization of the restructuring. The study of the countries' structure in the electricity sector has also been made clear in the following tables: the regulation institution the actors who took part vertically and horizontally in the integration to the sector and the access of the third party to the system. It has also been expressed how much the actors take part in the structure of the competitive market, which has been tried to be established in the above mentioned countries. At the same time, the changes of the main electricity figures have been shown in graphics for those countries, which are in the process of restructure.In the chapter of Turkey, the restructurion movement in electricity sector has been explained according to the act of 4628, the Electricity Market Law and to the other criterions for those countries. The development of Turkey's electricity energy has been put forward the balance between the generation and the consumption. A certain amount of Turkey's electricity claim has also been demanded by doing a regression and correlation analysis with the means of SPSS package program. The estimation of this claim and the other estimations which are held by the some institutions have also been compared. In addition to this it has been examined how much the Turkish electricity sector has been adopted to the electricity policy of EU. In the end of this study, it has been made a different structural suggestion formed a new organization chart and given some other suggestions in order to make the system work effectively.March 2004 Bülent ORAL

Los aportes conceptuales y metodológicos de este trabajo se desarrollan a partir de reconocer la importancia que tienen las ciudades para el Desarrollo Sostenible global. Para avanzar en el conocimiento de esta problemática se caracterizan los aspectos sociales, ambientales y económicos en el contexto urbano latinoamericano y se analizan, en concreto, las dificultades que presentan las ciudades de tamaño mediano para su sostenibilidad. La revisión del tema de estudio se centra en la evolución que han tenido durante la última década en América Latina la investigación, la gestión y la evaluación del desarrollo urbano sostenible y la incidencia de los principales enfoques en los modelos aplicados para la sostenibilidad de la ciudad. El análisis de los resultados permite afirmar que para orientar la planificación del desarrollo sostenible es necesario construir metodologías más apropiadas para conocer la realidad urbana de las ciudades latinoamericanas en el contexto de la sostenibilidad. La propuesta de la metodología de planificación integra la investigación, la gestión y la evaluación y desarrolla las bases conceptuales y los instrumentos para cada uno de los componentes así: para la investigación define los criterios básicos para la interdisciplinariedad y la participación comunitaria y propone como instrumento metodológico el Perfil de Desarrollo Sostenible. Para la gestión define las características técnicas y políticas de actuación y propone estrategias para implementar la Agenda Local 21. Para la evaluación diseña un sistema en el que se definen las dimensiones, los componentes, los fenómenos y los indicadores que permitirán evaluar el estado en que se encuentran las ciudades y conocer el índice o tendencia de sostenibilidad urbana. Como parte integral del proceso metodológico de este trabajo se aplican los indicadores y se calcula el índice de sostenibilidad en cuatro ciudades medianas de América Latina, tomadas como estudio de caso: Curitiba y Porto Alegre en Brasil y Cali y Medellín en Colombia. En las diversas fases de interpretación y análisis crítico del sistema propuesto se realizaron reuniones de consulta con miembros de la Red Latinoamericana de Estudios Ambientales Urbanos para llegar al consenso sobre los indicadores. Finalmente, se plantea una propuesta de escenario de trabajo futuro para la sostenibilidad urbana de la ciudad de Cali. Con el resultado de esta investigación se pretende avanzar en la construcción conceptual y metodológica que aporte al estudio de la sostenibilidad en un sistema tan complejo como el urbano y motive el desarrollo de futuras investigaciones. ; The conceptual and methodological contributions of the present research are developed on the basis of the recognition of the relevance that the cities have with regard to the Global Sustainable Development. In order to advance in the knowledge of this issue the social, economical and environmental aspects in the Latin American urban context have been distinguished, and the difficulties that the medium-sized cities cause to sustainability have been analyzed. The review of the topic analyzed is focused on the evolution that the research, the management and the assessment of the urban sustainable development have had during this last decade in Latin America and on the impact of the main approaches upon the models applied for the sustainability of the city. The analysis of the results obtained leads us to state that it is necessary to built more appropriate methodologies in order to study the urban reality of the Latin American cities in the context of sustainability, as well as to guide its planning. The town planning proposal integrates the research, the management and the assessment, and develops the conceptual and methodological grounds of each of the referred components as follows: With regard to the research component, this proposal defines the basic criteria for the interdisciplinary nature, community participation and proposes as a methodological instrument the Profile of Sustainable Development. With regard to the management component, the present proposal defines the technical and political characteristics of action and sets out strategies for the implementation of the Local Agenda 21. Finally, this proposal designs, for the assessment component, a system in which the dimensions, the components, the variables, as well as the indicators that will allow us to assess the state and know the tendency or urban sustainability index, are integrated. As an integral part of the methodological process of this research, the indicators, and the sustainability index, have been applied in four (4) medium-sized Latin American cities taken as objects of study: Curitiba and Porto Alegre in Brazil and Cali and Medellín in Colombia. During the several interpretation phases and the critical analysis of the system proposed, consulting meetings were carried out with members of the Red Latinoamericana de Estudios Ambientales Urbanos in order to reach a consensus on the indicators to be used. Finally, the future scenario of urban sustainability of the city of Cali is considered. The result of this research intends to be a conceptual and methodological advance that contributes significantly to the study of the sustainability of complex systems, such as the urban system. Furthermore, it hopes to encourages the development of future researches in this field. In fact, there is still a long way to go in order to reach scientific certainties or strengthened hypothesis' about a Sustainable Development Model that is still under construction, and which requires an interdisciplinary, participative and shared conception of town planning for sustainable cities of Latin America. ; Postprint (published version)

En este artículo se desarrollan una serie puntos para entender al istmo oaxaqueño como una zona de convergencia cultural diversa, múltiple y por lo tanto diferenciada tanto en el ámbito de la historia de los pueblos que en ella viven, como en el ámbito de la estructura económica que permite su reproducción no sólo como grupos étnicos, sino como comunidades. El autor plantea que las manifestaciones culturales de cada grupo se confunden, se entrelazan se influencian mutuamente y en una lógica asociada a la perdurabilidad de dichos procesos, terminan por imponerse. Para comprender las relaciones interétnicas no basta con dar cuenta de las características generales de estos grupos sino que es necesario actualizar la información que se ha obtenido de ellos, sobre todo ahora que nuevos procesos nacionales o internacionales están afectando de manera irreversible la composición y la estructura de estas culturas. Aspectos como la falta de vías de comercialización de productos agrícolas y pesqueros, la marginación sempiterna, la falta de empleo a escala regional, la migración, etc. son entre otros, las aristas de una realidad que se revela en su irremediable avance frente a comunidades que ponen en funcionamiento estrategias de reproducción y de sobreviviencia para mantenerse como comunidad. Las manifestaciones de las relaciones interétnicas aquí se definen como asimétricas horizontales en virtud de una diferenciación entre etnias y las relaciones entre ellas, de tal forma que así como se ha analizado la relación grupos étnicos-sociedad nacional, en la que se constatan desigualdades flagrantes a nivel del acceso a la riqueza generada en el país, calidad de vida, educación, comunicación, y otras variables importantes, de la misma manera se constata que en los grupos étnicos hay unos que tienen una posición privilegiada en el acceso a vías de comunicación, redes comerciales e influencia política, entre otros aspectos, mientras que otros se encuentran excluidos de ellos, no sólo por su condición de indígenas, sino también como consecuencia de la dominación entre etnias que existe en la región. Finalmente, el autor enfatiza que en esta zona del estado de Oaxaca existe una gama considerable de recursos naturales cuya apropiación y explotación para beneficios económicos está en el centro de la discusión actual. En efecto, el sistema de lagunas del Golfo de Tehuantepec, las reservas de la biodiversidad como la selva de los Chimalapas, o la actividad ganadera agrícola en la zona mixe son, entre otras, no sólo zonas importantes de explotación económica, que han fortalecido a grupos de poder locales. También son espacios de control estratégico para el futuro desarrollo del país pues en el istmo oaxaqueño se ha ubicado una fuente importante de riqueza en agua, bosques, especies endémicas, etc. que puede tener un papel importante en la vida económica regional y nacional. La cuestión es saber qué dispositivos sociales o legales se han puesto en marcha para definir a los beneficiarios de esa riqueza natural. ; In this article I develop an argument that allows to understand the Oaxacan Isthmus as a site of convergence among multiple and culturally diverse groups. Moreover, this article discusses the historical background of the towns and cities found in the isthmus as well as the economic structure that allows for their reproduction not only as ethnic groups but as individual communities. The author argues that through the enduring relationship among the communities found in the isthmus the cultural manifestations of each group converge, intertwine and mutually influence each other until each group imposes upon the other. In order to understand the inter-ethnic relationships in the isthmus not only requires analyzing the general characteristics of each group, but also entails examining information obtained from each community in the isthmus especially in the light of new national and international processes which are irreversibly affecting the structure and composition of groups in the isthmus. Underdeveloped transportation networks for agricultural and fishing products, marginalization, regional unemployment, and migration, among others, are aspects that make the reality that is revealed in the irremediable advance facing groups that must create survival and reproduction strategies in order to maintain themselves as communities. In light of the differentiation among ethnic groups, and the relationships among different ethnic groups, Horizontal asymmetries define the manifestation of inter-ethnic relations in the isthmus. In analyzing the socio-ethnic-national relations among groups in the isthmus, it is noted that there exists flagrant inequalities in accessing the wealth that is generated in the country. These inequalities are manifested in a poor quality of life, lack of education, little access to communication networks as well as other important variables. Interestingly, some ethnic groups have a privileged position in the isthmus enjoying access to communication and commercial networks, as well as exercising political influence among the ethnic groups, while other ethnic groups are excluded from these luxuries, not only due to their indigenous stature, but because they are subordinated by the domination that other ethnic groups exercise. Key to the current discussion about this area of Oaxaca is the exploitation and appropriation of the considerable range of natural resources found in the isthmus. Not only are the system of lakes in the Tehuantepec Gulf, the nature reserves in Chimalapas and the cattle ranching in the Mixe important sites of economic exploitation that have strengthened the power of local groups, but they are also sites of strategic control for the future development of Mexico. In the Oaxacan Isthmus exists valuable natural resources in water, forests, and endemic species that can play an important role in the regional and national economy. The question remains to understand which social or legal mechanisms have been put in place in order to define the beneficiaries of the natural riches found in the isthmus.

En este artículo se desarrollan una serie puntos para entender al istmo oaxaqueño como una zona de convergencia cultural diversa, múltiple y por lo tanto diferenciada tanto en el ámbito de la historia de los pueblos que en ella viven, como en el ámbito de la estructura económica que permite su reproducción no sólo como grupos étnicos, sino como comunidades. El autor plantea que las manifestaciones culturales de cada grupo se confunden, se entrelazan se influencian mutuamente y en una lógica asociada a la perdurabilidad de dichos procesos, terminan por imponerse. Para comprender las relaciones interétnicas no basta con dar cuenta de las características generales de estos grupos sino que es necesario actualizar la información que se ha obtenido de ellos, sobre todo ahora que nuevos procesos nacionales o internacionales están afectando de manera irreversible la composición y la estructura de estas culturas. Aspectos como la falta de vías de comercialización de productos agrícolas y pesqueros, la marginación sempiterna, la falta de empleo a escala regional, la migración, etc. son entre otros, las aristas de una realidad que se revela en su irremediable avance frente a comunidades que ponen en funcionamiento estrategias de reproducción y de sobreviviencia para mantenerse como comunidad. Las manifestaciones de las relaciones interétnicas aquí se definen como asimétricas horizontales en virtud de una diferenciación entre etnias y las relaciones entre ellas, de tal forma que así como se ha analizado la relación grupos étnicos-sociedad nacional, en la que se constatan desigualdades flagrantes a nivel del acceso a la riqueza generada en el país, calidad de vida, educación, comunicación, y otras variables importantes, de la misma manera se constata que en los grupos étnicos hay unos que tienen una posición privilegiada en el acceso a vías de comunicación, redes comerciales e influencia política, entre otros aspectos, mientras que otros se encuentran excluidos de ellos, no sólo por su condición de indígenas, sino también como consecuencia de la dominación entre etnias que existe en la región. Finalmente, el autor enfatiza que en esta zona del estado de Oaxaca existe una gama considerable de recursos naturales cuya apropiación y explotación para beneficios económicos está en el centro de la discusión actual. En efecto, el sistema de lagunas del Golfo de Tehuantepec, las reservas de la biodiversidad como la selva de los Chimalapas, o la actividad ganadera agrícola en la zona mixe son, entre otras, no sólo zonas importantes de explotación económica, que han fortalecido a grupos de poder locales. También son espacios de control estratégico para el futuro desarrollo del país pues en el istmo oaxaqueño se ha ubicado una fuente importante de riqueza en agua, bosques, especies endémicas, etc. que puede tener un papel importante en la vida económica regional y nacional. La cuestión es saber qué dispositivos sociales o legales se han puesto en marcha para definir a los beneficiarios de esa riqueza natural. ; In this article I develop an argument that allows to understand the Oaxacan Isthmus as a site of convergence among multiple and culturally diverse groups. Moreover, this article discusses the historical background of the towns and cities found in the isthmus as well as the economic structure that allows for their reproduction not only as ethnic groups but as individual communities. The author argues that through the enduring relationship among the communities found in the isthmus the cultural manifestations of each group converge, intertwine and mutually influence each other until each group imposes upon the other. In order to understand the inter-ethnic relationships in the isthmus not only requires analyzing the general characteristics of each group, but also entails examining information obtained from each community in the isthmus especially in the light of new national and international processes which are irreversibly affecting the structure and composition of groups in the isthmus. Underdeveloped transportation networks for agricultural and fishing products, marginalization, regional unemployment, and migration, among others, are aspects that make the reality that is revealed in the irremediable advance facing groups that must create survival and reproduction strategies in order to maintain themselves as communities. In light of the differentiation among ethnic groups, and the relationships among different ethnic groups, Horizontal asymmetries define the manifestation of inter-ethnic relations in the isthmus. In analyzing the socio-ethnic-national relations among groups in the isthmus, it is noted that there exists flagrant inequalities in accessing the wealth that is generated in the country. These inequalities are manifested in a poor quality of life, lack of education, little access to communication networks as well as other important variables. Interestingly, some ethnic groups have a privileged position in the isthmus enjoying access to communication and commercial networks, as well as exercising political influence among the ethnic groups, while other ethnic groups are excluded from these luxuries, not only due to their indigenous stature, but because they are subordinated by the domination that other ethnic groups exercise. Key to the current discussion about this area of Oaxaca is the exploitation and appropriation of the considerable range of natural resources found in the isthmus. Not only are the system of lakes in the Tehuantepec Gulf, the nature reserves in Chimalapas and the cattle ranching in the Mixe important sites of economic exploitation that have strengthened the power of local groups, but they are also sites of strategic control for the future development of Mexico. In the Oaxacan Isthmus exists valuable natural resources in water, forests, and endemic species that can play an important role in the regional and national economy. The question remains to understand which social or legal mechanisms have been put in place in order to define the beneficiaries of the natural riches found in the isthmus.

En este artículo se desarrollan una serie puntos para entender al istmo oaxaqueño como una zona de convergencia cultural diversa, múltiple y por lo tanto diferenciada tanto en el ámbito de la historia de los pueblos que en ella viven, como en el ámbito de la estructura económica que permite su reproducción no sólo como grupos étnicos, sino como comunidades. El autor plantea que las manifestaciones culturales de cada grupo se confunden, se entrelazan se influencian mutuamente y en una lógica asociada a la perdurabilidad de dichos procesos, terminan por imponerse. Para comprender las relaciones interétnicas no basta con dar cuenta de las características generales de estos grupos sino que es necesario actualizar la información que se ha obtenido de ellos, sobre todo ahora que nuevos procesos nacionales o internacionales están afectando de manera irreversible la composición y la estructura de estas culturas. Aspectos como la falta de vías de comercialización de productos agrícolas y pesqueros, la marginación sempiterna, la falta de empleo a escala regional, la migración, etc. son entre otros, las aristas de una realidad que se revela en su irremediable avance frente a comunidades que ponen en funcionamiento estrategias de reproducción y de sobreviviencia para mantenerse como comunidad. Las manifestaciones de las relaciones interétnicas aquí se definen como asimétricas horizontales en virtud de una diferenciación entre etnias y las relaciones entre ellas, de tal forma que así como se ha analizado la relación grupos étnicos-sociedad nacional, en la que se constatan desigualdades flagrantes a nivel del acceso a la riqueza generada en el país, calidad de vida, educación, comunicación, y otras variables importantes, de la misma manera se constata que en los grupos étnicos hay unos que tienen una posición privilegiada en el acceso a vías de comunicación, redes comerciales e influencia política, entre otros aspectos, mientras que otros se encuentran excluidos de ellos, no sólo por su condición de indígenas, sino también como consecuencia de la dominación entre etnias que existe en la región. Finalmente, el autor enfatiza que en esta zona del estado de Oaxaca existe una gama considerable de recursos naturales cuya apropiación y explotación para beneficios económicos está en el centro de la discusión actual. En efecto, el sistema de lagunas del Golfo de Tehuantepec, las reservas de la biodiversidad como la selva de los Chimalapas, o la actividad ganadera agrícola en la zona mixe son, entre otras, no sólo zonas importantes de explotación económica, que han fortalecido a grupos de poder locales. También son espacios de control estratégico para el futuro desarrollo del país pues en el istmo oaxaqueño se ha ubicado una fuente importante de riqueza en agua, bosques, especies endémicas, etc. que puede tener un papel importante en la vida económica regional y nacional. La cuestión es saber qué dispositivos sociales o legales se han puesto en marcha para definir a los beneficiarios de esa riqueza natural. ; In this article I develop an argument that allows to understand the Oaxacan Isthmus as a site of convergence among multiple and culturally diverse groups. Moreover, this article discusses the historical background of the towns and cities found in the isthmus as well as the economic structure that allows for their reproduction not only as ethnic groups but as individual communities. The author argues that through the enduring relationship among the communities found in the isthmus the cultural manifestations of each group converge, intertwine and mutually influence each other until each group imposes upon the other. In order to understand the inter-ethnic relationships in the isthmus not only requires analyzing the general characteristics of each group, but also entails examining information obtained from each community in the isthmus especially in the light of new national and international processes which are irreversibly affecting the structure and composition of groups in the isthmus. Underdeveloped transportation networks for agricultural and fishing products, marginalization, regional unemployment, and migration, among others, are aspects that make the reality that is revealed in the irremediable advance facing groups that must create survival and reproduction strategies in order to maintain themselves as communities. In light of the differentiation among ethnic groups, and the relationships among different ethnic groups, Horizontal asymmetries define the manifestation of inter-ethnic relations in the isthmus. In analyzing the socio-ethnic-national relations among groups in the isthmus, it is noted that there exists flagrant inequalities in accessing the wealth that is generated in the country. These inequalities are manifested in a poor quality of life, lack of education, little access to communication networks as well as other important variables. Interestingly, some ethnic groups have a privileged position in the isthmus enjoying access to communication and commercial networks, as well as exercising political influence among the ethnic groups, while other ethnic groups are excluded from these luxuries, not only due to their indigenous stature, but because they are subordinated by the domination that other ethnic groups exercise. Key to the current discussion about this area of Oaxaca is the exploitation and appropriation of the considerable range of natural resources found in the isthmus. Not only are the system of lakes in the Tehuantepec Gulf, the nature reserves in Chimalapas and the cattle ranching in the Mixe important sites of economic exploitation that have strengthened the power of local groups, but they are also sites of strategic control for the future development of Mexico. In the Oaxacan Isthmus exists valuable natural resources in water, forests, and endemic species that can play an important role in the regional and national economy. The question remains to understand which social or legal mechanisms have been put in place in order to define the beneficiaries of the natural riches found in the isthmus.

Surmounting the traditional capitalism, the capitalist private property and estrangement takes place by way of shifting from industrial economy to an economic system based on knowledge and information, formation of a new system of values of the modem man and transformation of a national state under the influence of processes of globalization of the economy and the society. The global economy and international financial markets arc the main indications of a forming new world order and a net-like boundless global informational society.One of the basic features of the informational economic system or informational economy of the end of the 20th - beginning of the 21st century is transformation of financial institutions into centers of national and international accounting and financial globalization. The positive and negative appraisals of financial globalization arc the emergence of a new configuration of the world economy: transfer from the regulated state system to the liberal model of money flow management. The main players on that financial market arc the global institutional investors in the new institutional forms of financial conglomerates uniting the banks, insurance. pension and investment (mutual, hedge, venture) funds as well as other companies of the financial environment - institutions distributing and re-distributing the financial resources of the world.The financial market of the world consist' of an aggregate of financial and crediting organizations that play the role of mediators in re-distributing the financial assets of the world between the creditor and the debtor, the sellers and the buyers of financial resources. The world insurance market is a part of the financial market existing as an independent economic phenomenon and forming as an aggregate of national and regional markets, undergoing a number of changes under the influence of the globalization process.Globalization of the world insurance market expresses itself as a process of obliterating legal and economic barriers between national insurance economies caused by the changes in the world economy and aiming at forming a global insurance space. This phenomenon demonstrates itself in the following processes actively going on since the 90-ies of the 20th century:1. Concentration and centralization processes reflecting in:• concentration of the world insurance and re-insurance capital which expresses itself in mass mergers, uptakes and absorptions, formation of strategic alliances of insurance and re-insurance companies on the global insurance market, as well as formation of traditional insurance companies on this has is;• wide-scale fusion of insurance, bank and crediting capital leading to formation of transnational financial groups;• concentration on the market of insurance mediators expressing itself in formation of huge international insurance brokerage companies by way of merging and buying up small and medium companies;• concentration of users of insurance services expressing itself in growing capitalization and changing their demand for traditional insurance services;2. Modification of traditional forms and types of insurance services, development of new insurance products:• fusion of insurance and financial services and emergence of alternative insurance and re- insurance, securitization as a new way of organizing insurance coverage based on asset management of the insurers and the insurants;• changing demand fur "mass" insurance services, in particular activation of the insurers participation in pension insurance against the background of demographic aging of the population in countries of developed economy, crisis of the concept of the "welfare" state and reduced participation of the state in payment of old-age and disability pensions;• expansion of the sphere of usage of the private commercial insurance: insurance against political and military risks, insurance of credits and guaranties. insurance against informational risks. etc.3. Change of market environment under conditions of:• full computerization of producers and users of insurance products and implementation of the Internet for sales/purchase of insurance and reinsurance services;• increasing devastation of insurance losses resulting from the development of urbanization, technical progress, cost increase of private and corporal property, influence of global climate changes;• expansion of access to foreign insurers and re-insurers on previously "closed" national markets of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America and Asia;• universal liberalization of sales of insurance products caused by liberalization of state and supra-state regulation of financial and insurance markets.The process of globalization and convergence, alongside with opening wide access possibilities for separate countries to the financial resources of the world, contains in itself unforeseen risks related to weakening of regulation by the state and uncontrolled transfer of capital through state borders.Simultaneously with liberalization of state regulation, common universal "play rules" for the players of the global financial market arc being worked out, because " . one of the tasks for the 21st century is to find a way to combine some national sovereignty with financial unification . " [6, p. 29]. The latter facilitates conversion of national markets into constituting parts of the world market. A number of intergovernmental institutions and international financial organizations are engaged in working out and implementation of common standards and codes of behavior for all spheres of financial activities. also in the insurance sector.The financial globalization and formation of financial conglomerates of various organizational-institutional forms strengthens national, international and regional currency and financial instability. Therefore in scientific circles a question is regularly raised about the necessity of additional instruments for regulation on the world level. ; Straipsnyje aptariamas Lietuvos draudimo rinkos formavimasis pasaulinės globalizacijos sąlygomis. Nagrinėjamas klausimas yra aktualus, kadangi kiekvienos valstybės viena iš normalaus egzistavimo ir finansinių santykių reguliavimo sąlygų yra tinkamas draudimo verslo organizavimas. Tyrimas yra analitinio pobūdžio, atliktas remiantis Lietuvos Respublikos įstatymais, naujo Draudimo įstatymo projekto, Lietuvos ir užsienio šalių autorių publikacijomis šia aktualia Lietuvos draudimo verslui tema.

Grace Palacio Arceneaux, a Mexican-American resident of Watsonville, California, was interviewed in 1977 by Meri Knaster, an editor at the Regional History Project, as part of a series of oral histories documenting local agricultural and ethnic history. Arceneaux was born in San Martin de Bolaños, Jalisco, Mexico, in March 1920. She came with her family to San Juan Bautista, California, in 1923 during the havoc of the Mexican Revolution. The family lived on a little ranch and eked out a living farming and doing field work. Her mother died in childbirth when she was a young girl, and shortly thereafter her father died, leaving Arceneaux to care for her nine brothers and sisters. As she said, she always had a child to carry on her hip, wherever she went. Not only did her parents not speak English, they did not want it spoken in the house; Arceneaux and her siblings translated for their parents, for their father's business deals and jobs. She attended school through the fifth grade and returned to school many years later, when she was in her forties, to obtain her high school diploma at Watsonville night school, and earned a degree at Cabrillo College. Knaster wrote in her notes of these interviews: "All those years of no schooling are not manifested in either her manner of speaking or vocabulary-- she's a very articulate woman." After her father died, Arceneaux hired out her family as a unit, working in the fields around San Juan Bautista whenever possible, and doing whatever else was available, keeping the county from separating her siblings and putting them in foster homes. Because of serious, recurring bouts of tuberculosis, she spent several years in sanitariums and was no longer able to do fieldwork due to the permanent damage to her health. Her narrative is rich in recollections of local history, of the Mexican and Filipino communities and their customs and inter-relationships. She was married at one time to a Filipino farmworker and so became a member of that community, as well. She also discusses the life of field workers, harvesting garlic and various other crops, and the role of labor contractors in agriculture. The period she spent among Filipinos is rich with details about a side of Watsonville life that is not well documented-- Chinatown, gambling, and prostitution. Her spirit of grit and determination shines through her descriptions of chronic hard times and poverty as she worked unremittingly to raise her siblings and to make a life for herself. Her life story shows how she made the transition from illegal immigrant farmworker to middle-class social activist. She speaks movingly of her marriages, work life, her precarious financial situation, and the importance of her Catholicism, as she her evolved from an unquestioning Catholic into her own self-defined understanding of her religion as it embraced activism and equality. As a mature woman she returned to school, and discovered the world of books and ideas, and gained confidence in her abilities to speak and think critically about the condition of her community, and its political and cultural marginalization. This in turn led to her involvement in community issues during which she became one of the first Mexican-American women in the Pajaro Valley to fight for bilingual education, outreach services for poor women, victims of domestic violence, and those seeking to gain educations for themselves. Knaster noted many small, telling details of Arceneaux's life when she interviewed her in her home in Watsonville. She wrote: "there is a nice back yard, where she hung laundry on her clothesline after one interview. We met in the kitchen, a remodeled expanded, large room, with a view of the yard through sliding glass doors, a room full of light, spacious. Grace always kept her hands busy-- she's one of those women whose work is never done because she does so much and is so industrious, never wasting a moment. She would wash and dry the dishes, pair socks that she had removed from the dryer or fold cloth napkins. Another time she worked on a quilt she had gotten from someone who had died. It was too big for their bed so she removed the trim and sewed as we talked." Knaster noted that in the background of the tape recordings you can often hear a tea kettle whistling, or water running as she washes dishes, as Grace's voice moves back and forth according to the activity she is engaged in. Sometimes she would get up from the kitchen table to demonstrate something-- how she used to work in the garlic fields, or how she would carry a little brother or sister on her hip. She would unabashedly let tears flow when relating especially emotional episodes in her life, lifting up her glasses as she wiped away the tears. Knaster characterized Arceneaux as a wonderfully warm, sharing, open person, and extremely informative as well. Despite the hardships in her life, her narration is not bitter or resentful. As her conversation reveals, she has a realistic understanding of ethnic and gender discrimination as it is manifest in the Mexican, Anglo, and Filipino communities, having experienced them herself as a single woman, a Mexican, and later as the wife of a Filipino with a Filipino/Mexican child. Her observations of ethnic and class distinctions in the agricultural communities of San Juan Bautista and Watsonville are a real contribution to the social history of this region.

Most of us feel more comfortable in certain groups than others, and indeed find certain people just plain wrong headed or evil - perhaps neo-Nazis, the KKK, the Mafia, terrorist groups. This sense of alterity - distance or separation from particular others - is virtually an inevitable outcome of social life. As we come to generate realities and moralities within specific groups - families, friendships, the workplace, the religious setting - so do our interlocutors become invaluable resources. With their support - either explicit or implicit - we gain the sense of who we are, what is real, and what is right. At the same time, all world constructions and their associated forms of relational life create a devalued exterior - a realm that is not us, not what we believe, not true, not good. In important degree this devaluation derives from the structure of language out of which we construct our realities. Language is essentially a differentiating medium, with every word separating that which is named or indicated from that which is not (absent, contrary). Thus, whenever we declare what is the case or what is good, we use words that privilege certain existents while thrusting the absent and the contrary to the margins. An emphasis on the material basis of reality suppresses or devalues the spiritual; an emphasis on the world as observed subtlety undermines beliefs in the unseen and intuitive, and so on. In effect, for every reality there is alterity. These proposals are all congenial to a view of reality as socially constructed (see Gergen, 1994). The problem of difference is intensified by several ancillary tendencies. First, there is a tendency to avoid those who are different, and particularly when they seem antagonistic to one's way of life. We avoid meetings, conversations, and social gatherings. With less opportunity for interchange, there is secondly a tendency for accounts of the other to become simplified. There are few challenges to one's descriptions and explanations; fewer exceptions are made. Third, with the continuing tendency to explain others' actions in a negative way, there is a movement toward extremity. As we continue to locate "the evil" in the other's actions, there is an accumulation; slowly the other takes on the shape of the inferior, the stupid or the villainous. Social psychologists often speak in this context of "negative stereotyping," that is, rigid and simplified conceptions of the other. All such tendencies lead to social atomization, with the same processes that separate cliques and gangs in adolescence reflected organizationally as tensions between management and workers or line and staff; and at the societal level as conflicts between the political left and right, fundamentalists vs. liberals, gay rights and anti-gays, and pro-choice vs. prolife. And more globally we find similar tendencies separating Jews and Palestinians, Irish Catholics vs. Protestants, Muslims vs. Christians, and so on. On this account tendencies toward division and conflict are normal outgrowths of social interchange. Prejudice is not, then, a manifestation of flawed character - inner rigidities, decomposed cognition, emotional biases, and the like. Rather, so long as we continue the normal process of creating consensus around what is real and good, classes of the undesirable are under production. Wherever there are tendencies toward unity, cohesion, brotherhood, commitment, solidarity, or community, so are the seeds of alterity and conflict sewn. In the present condition, virtually none of us escape from being undesirable to at least one (and probably many) other groups. The major challenge that confronts us, then, is not that of generating warm and cozy communities, conflict-free societies, or a harmonious world order. Rather, given the endemic character of conflict, how do we proceed in such a way that ever emerging antagonism does not yield aggression, oppression, or genocide - in effect, the end of meaning altogether. This challenge is all the more daunting in a world where communication technology allows increasing numbers of groups to organize, mold common identities, set agendas and take action (1). Perhaps the major challenge for the 21st century is how we shall manage to live together on the globe. What resources are available to us in confronting this challenge? At least one important possibility is suggested by the social constructionist posture that frames the above account: if it is through dialogue that the grounds for conflict emerge, then dialogue may be our best option for treating contentious realities. Yet, in spite of the broad significance attached to the term, "dialogue," little is gained by invoking its power. More formally, dialogue is simply "a conversation between two or more persons." And indeed, it is ultimately impossible to distinguish between dialogue and its other, namely monologue. For even monologue is addressed to someone - either present or implied. And even should the recipient remain silent, responses do occur - privately to one's interlocutor or more publicly to concerned others. Thus, to make headway here it is essential to distinguish among specific forms of dialogue. Not all dialogic processes may be useful in reducing the potential for hostility, conflict, and aggression. Indeed conversations dominated by critical exchanges, saber rattling, and contentious demands may only exacerbate the conflict. It is in this context that I wish to put forth the concept and practice of transformative dialogue. Transformative dialogue may be viewed as any form of interchange that succeeds in transforming a relationship between those committed to otherwise separate and antagonistic realities (and their related practices) to one in which common and solidifying realities are under construction.

Die Dissertation ist ein Beitrag zur Debatte um die Revision des amerikanistischen Lektürekanons. Ihre drei Schwerpunkte sind die Geschichte und Mythologie der Karibikinsel Puerto Rico, die soziale Lage und das Image der Puertoricaner in den USA sowie die auf Englisch erschienene Erzählliteratur von Autoren puertoricanischer Herkunft. (1) Die spanische Kolonie Puerto Rico kam 1898 in den Besitz der USA und erlebte in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts einen rasanten ökonomischen Aufstieg, der mit wachsender Abhängigkeit vom amerikanischen Wohlfahrtsstaat erkauft ist. In freien Referenden bejahte jeweils eine knappe Mehrheit den Zwitterstatus ihrer Insel, die bis heute weder ein Staat der USA noch ein souveränes Land ist. Da jedoch der Kongress in Washington über die Zukunft des Commonwealth of Puerto Rico zu bestimmen hat, bleibt die Insel eine Kolonie der USA. Puerto Ricos Mythologie ist von Stereotypen geprägt, die sich zu einem negativen Klischee vom Nationalcharakter des Landes verdichtet haben. Die amerikanische Dominanz in Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur verstärkt die von vielen beklagte Schizophrenie Puerto Ricos. Die Chance einer Lösung des puertoricanischen Syndroms verspricht nur die nationale Unabhängigkeit. (2) Stereotype bestimmen auch das Bild von den übergesiedelten Puertoricanern, den Nuyoricans, in der Öffentlichkeit der USA. Das Negativimage der kaum assimilierten Gruppe wird von den Massenmedien verfestigt, obwohl seriöse Studien zeigen, dass frühere Immigranten ähnliche Probleme mit sich brachten. Die Mehrheit der US-Experten propagiert nach wie vor die allmähliche Assimilation der Übersiedler im Rahmen eines kulturellen Pluralismus. Bei den Puertoricanern geht der Trend seit dem Aufkommen des Multikulturalismus in Richtung einer hybriden, bikulturellen Identität, in ein Wort gefasst mit dem Begriff Nuyorican. Die Dissertation bietet eine Auswertung der auf Englisch erschienenen Literatur über die Puertoricaner in den USA unter 15 Aspekten: Kultur, Religion, Bildung, Sprache, Politik, Arbeit, welfare, Wohnverhältnisse, ethnicity, race, class, gender, Familie, Law and order und Migration. Am Beispiel von belletristischen Texten, Spielfilmen und Musicals wird gezeigt, dass die Puertoricaner in diesen Genres größtenteils wohlwollend dargestellt erscheinen. Das gilt auch für das Musical West Side Story, dem viele Kritiker zu Unrecht vorwerfen, die puertoricanischen Jugendlichen als Gangster zu stigmatisieren. (3) Die puertoricanische Prosa in englischer Sprache hat im Kanon der amerikanischen Literatur und in der Kritik bisher kaum eine Rolle gespielt. Vor allem die zahlreichen Neuerscheinungen der achtziger und neunziger Jahre werden hier erstmals auf historisch-soziologischer Basis analysiert. Allgemeine Trends der neueren Nuyorican-Literatur sind ihre Diversifizierung und Feminisierung. Größere Vielfalt gibt es heute bei den Schauplätzen, den Textsorten und den Themen. Das Thema gender steht nicht nur bei den Frauen, sondern auch bei männlichen Autoren oft im Mittelpunkt. Von den Autoren, die New York zum Schauplatz gewählt haben, ist Abraham Rodriguez, Jr. der bedeutendste. Rodriguez erzählt von Teenagern in der South Bronx, deren puertoricanische Ethnizität kein bestimmender Faktor mehr ist. So ist er der am weitesten amerikanisierte Autor der Nuyoricans. Die überzeugendste Interpretation des Migrationsprozesses bietet Esmeralda Santiago. Bei ihr steht die Kritik am traditionellen puertoricanischen Sexismus im Zentrum. Eine feministische Grundtendenz haben auch die in Puerto Rico angesiedelten, zum Teil magisch-realistischen Werke von Rosario Ferré. Die besten Werke von Rodriguez, Santiago, Ferré und weiteren Puertoricanern verdienen Anerkennung als wertvoller und zukunftweisender Beitrag zur amerikanischen Literatur. ; The thesis contributes to the debate about the revision of the American literary canon. Its first focus is on the history and mythology of Puerto Rico, the second on the social situation and image of the Puerto Ricans in the U.S., and the third on the prose literature by authors of Puerto Rican descent published in English. (1) The Spanish colony of Puerto Rico became a possession of the U.S. in 1898 and experienced a rapid economic rise in the second half of the 20th century, at the expence of growing dependence on the American welfare state. In free referendums the people of Puerto Rico have so far condoned the intermediate status of their island, which still is neither a state of the union nor an independent nation. But in fact the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico remains a colony of the U.S., as the real power to decide about its status lies with Congress. Puerto Rico's mythology has from the start been dominated by stereotypes, which have resulted in a negative cliché of its national character. The United States' political, economic and cultural hegemony has reinforced the alleged schizophrenic state of Puerto Rico. The only chance of healing this Puerto Rican syndrome is the island's national independence. (2) Stereotypes have also determined the image in the American public of the Puerto Ricans who have migrated to the mainland. The bad reputation of this hardly assimilated group is constantly being confirmed by the mass media, although serious studies prove that earlier immigrants had similar problems. Most U.S. experts still advocate the migrants' gradual assimilitation according to the ideal of cultural pluralism. Since the rise of multiculturalism, within the U.S. Puerto Rican community the trend has been going towards a hybrid, bicultural, Nuyorican identity. The dissertation assesses the literature about Puerto Ricans in the U.S. published in English from 15 key aspects: culture, religion, education, language, politics, work, welfare, housing, ethnicity, race, class, gender, family, law and order und migration. A critical look at books, movies and musicals by non-Puerto Ricans shows that in these genres migrants from Puerto Rico have by and large been portrayed benevolenty. This is true even for the musical West Side Story, which has often been wrongly blamed for stigmatizing Puerto Rican youngsters as gangsters. (3) Puerto Rican prose literature in English has so far played little role in the American canon and in criticism. This thesis offers the first analysis of the many new volumes from the eighties and nineties on a socio-historical basis. The overall trends of recent Nuyorican literature are its diversification und feminization. There is a greater diversity of settings, text types and themes. Gender is a central issue not only with the women, but also with a number of male authors. Of those writers who take New York as the setting, Abraham Rodriguez, Jr. is the most important. Rodriguez's books are about teenagers in the South Bronx whose Puerto Rican ethnicity is no crucial factor any more. Thus he is the most Americanised author among the Nuyoricans. The most convincing interpretation of the migratory process is Esmeralda Santiago's. Her main thrust is against the Puerto Rican tradition of sexism. The works of Rosario Ferré, some told in magic realism and all set in Puerto Rico, also have a feminist tendency. The best books by Rodriguez, Santiago, Ferré and a few more Puerto Ricans deserve to be recognised as a valuable and visionary contribution to American literature.

При изучении российских предпринимателей, а также других новых для российского общества социальных групп социологи чаще всего используют количественные методы. Автор статьи считает, что применительно к современному российскому обществу более адекватны качественные подходы, основанные, в частности, на феноменологическом и лингвистическом анализе. Именно эти подходы были использованы для интерпретации некоторых результатов эмпирического социологического исследования, проведенного в Институте экономики РАН при участии автора. ; Sociologists researching Russian entrepreneurs and other new social groups of the post-Soviet era, generally resort to quantitative methods. Conversely, the author believes that qualitative approaches, particularly those based on phenomenological and linguistic analysis, provide a more relevant understanding of modern Rusian society. There is no shortage of interpretations of changes that the Russian society has been undergoing in the past several years. The author believes that the nature of those changes is basically institutional, the main premise being an abrupt transmutation of a societal ideological system brought about by the liberation of the society from an uncompromising official ideology, stringent formal limitations of an social roles. And this is exactly when a new type of social actors makes its entrance. Homo faber — the social actor — becomes above all a man of reflection, whose social activity is primarily focused on the interpretation of the new environment, on attributing new meanings to a novel reality. The times of anomie prompted by the disintegration of the old institutional system are marked by multiple modes of everyday thinking struggling for recognition in the emerging new institutional order of the society. A new social stratum of "entrepreneurs" has come into existence. There is as yet no widely accepted stereotype meaning attributed to the notion of "entrepreneur", nor 196 is there any widespread perception of the goals and meaning of "entrepreneurship", these notions being shaped by the social actors juxtaposing emerging meanings in the course of everyday observations, testing these meanings against reality. A combination of phenomenogical and linguistic approaches provides an opportunity to study social processes of this kind. The proposed approach is used in the work to interpret certain results of a two-stqge empirical sociological research conducted by a group of scholars (including the author) in the Institute of economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The first stage consisted of interviews of 27 experts on issues of Russian entrepreneurship; the second included the questioning of 277 owners/directors/CEOs of non-government companies based in Moscow. Interpreting the interviews with experts the author suggests the following typology of a "modern Russian entrepreneur". The first type — "The Authoritarian" — is individualistic, not values-motivated, treating the Russian society as an ignorant mass of "palace-bashing tramps". The second type — "The Capitalist" — is distunguised by a pronounced self-identification (views him-herself as such) and is convinced that only money makes a man in the contemporary Russian society. The third type — "The Simple Free Man" — became an entrepreneur in the quest for freedom, has a modest lifestyle, works to benefit others, to pursue ideals. The fourth — "The Character" — does not really care what is it that he/she is doing, what matters to this person is to prove to him/herself that he/she is capable of doing things. To elucidate what is it that the entrepreneurs believe to be the purpose and meaning of their actions the author uses certain information obtained from questioning the management of non-government companies, in particular, the answers to the two open questions of the questionnaire: "What do you understand by entrepreneurial success?" and "What would you like to achieve in the next two years?" Both questions invoke success — business achievements in the former instance, personal accomplishment in the latter. Interpreting the answers, the author constructs a generalized image of a person operating in the entrepreneurial milieu. This person's basic feature is a perseption of the purpose and meaning of his/her deeds that is determined primarily by his/her focus on the work. He/she treats his/her work as an undertaking that is shared with partners, that benefits the society, others; he/she identifies his/her personal interest not with individual success, but mostly with the interests of business, those of the partners, of the society. A happy family or personal security are not among his/her goals. Moreover, he/she does not seek to improve his/her social status or secure political power, does not appreciate professionalism and education, does not crave for a prestige position in the social hierarchies and cares little for his/her firm's image. Today he/she associates success with growth in profits and business, and his company's stability. Besides, he/she relies not as much on luck or chance as on hard and goal-oriented work. The will to succeed is his/her another distinctive quality. He/she does not identify success with absence of failures, nor his/her goals with physical survival, the goals being business growth, personal achievements, success. This type of entrepreneur still manifests vestiges of "collectivist mentality" but he/she no longer feels as an element of a rigid social structure. He/she does not yet view him/herself as the architect of his social status, but is already aware that the 197 results of the work depend primarily on him/her. He/she is still identifying §§S him/herself with his/her business, not with a particular social group. He/she is focused on success and achievements, on hard and diversified work, and the results, if and when there are any, may be just as valuable to him/her as to they may be to the society.

This article is based on field studies in rural West Africa. It concentrates on the socio-structural effects of development aid in the long run, in contrast to numerous available evaluation reports on the short-run effects of development projects. The study reveals that superficial generalisations or condemnations of development projects, like the big farmers benefit at the expense of the smaller ones, or the men benefit at the expense of the women, do not hold up to verification. Quite to the contrary one observes a wide range of specific adapted forms by which the target groups react to the demands and offers of development projects, and thereby transform their own social structure. In short, one observes a great diversity of social self-organisation. The bureaucratic structures of the development administration do, however, unfortunately - more often than not - ignore the social dynamic of their target groups which they nevertheless sustain unconsciously. Development aid has become an important political and economic factor in most African countries. Its financial impact often exceeds that of the national budget. It contributes, therefore, significantly to the development of a bureaucratic class and of its clients: the project development degenerates into a project nationalization / bureaucratization. This contrasts vividly with the strategies of the peasants. Men and women at village level do not accept any longer the paternalistic development approach. They just select what they need out of the packages of solutions that are offered to them, while they develop their own solutions, like a variety of seeds adapted to their specific resource endowments, diversified sources of income, different strategies of accumulation and risk prevention. All this allows for a gradual evolution by variation and selection. The dynamic of the rural society is to a large extent due to a competition of different (strategic) groups, opposed to one another, about the partitioning of the cake of development aid. Normally this struggle between different vested interests is covered up by the rhetoric of development planning. Planned development has up to now proven to be to rigid, to be able to take account of the complex and subtle fabric of self organisation. Aid sometimes appears to be a second best substitute for a vision of a democratic society. This is due to the fact that the structures we are aiming for in the long run - which are to allow for open markets, an orientation of the producers at the resources and needs of the nation, and last not least, the growth of indigenous structures of self-help - would require a responsible and democratic government, as well as the guarantee of civil rights, accountability, an independent judiciary, freedom of the press, etc.; up to now, however, all these elements are still oppressed by the commando state itself, well nourished by the various forms of technical and financial aid. ; Les effets à long terme de l'aide au développement - études empiriques en Afrique de l'Ouest rural: Cet article est basé sur des études de terrain en Afrique de l'Ouest rural. Il se concentre sur les effets socio-structurelles de l'aide au développement dans le long terme, contrairement à de nombreux rapports d'évaluation disponibles sur les effets à court terme des projets de développement. L'étude révèle que des généralisations superficielles ou condamnations de projets de développement, comme les gros agriculteurs profitent au détriment des plus petits, ou les hommes bénéficient d'avantages au détriment des femmes, ne tiens pas. Bien au contraire, on observe une vaste gamme de formes adaptées spécifiques par lesquels les groupes cibles réagissent aux demandes et les offres de projets de développement, et ainsi transformer leur propre structure sociale. En bref, on observe une grande diversité de l'auto-organisation sociale. Les structures bureaucratiques de l'administration du développement, cependant, ignorent malheureusement - le plus souvent - la dynamique sociale de leurs groupes cibles dont ils soutiennent néanmoins inconsciemment. L'aide au développement est devenue un facteur politique et économique important dans la plupart des pays africains. Son impact financier dépasse souvent celle du budget national. Il contribue donc de manière significative au développement d'une classe bureaucratique et de ses clients: le développement du projet dégénère en un projet de nationalisation / bureaucratisation. Cela contraste vivement avec les stratégies des paysans. Hommes et femmes au niveau du village n'accepter plus la démarche de développement paternaliste. Ils sélectionnent tout ce dont ils ont besoin sur les paquets de solutions qui leur sont offertes, alors qu'ils développent leurs propres solutions, comme une variété de semences adaptées à leurs dotations en ressources spécifiques, diversification des sources de revenus, stratégies d'accumulation différentielles et la prévention des risques. Tout ceci permet une évolution progressive de variation et de sélection. La dynamique de la société rurale est dans une large mesure due à un concours de différents groupes (stratégiques), par opposition à un autre, sur le partage du gâteau de l'aide au développement. Normalement, cette lutte entre les différents intérêts est couvert par la rhétorique de la planification du développement. Développement planifié était jusqu'à présent trop rigide, pour être en mesure de prendre en compte le tissu complexe et subtile de l'auto-organisation. Aide semble parfois être un substitut à une vision d'une société démocratique. Cela est dû au fait que les structures que nous visons dans le long terme - qui doivent permettre l'ouverture des marchés, une orientation des producteurs à des ressources et des besoins de la nation, la croissance des structures autochtones d'auto-assistance - exigerait un gouvernement responsable et démocratique, ainsi que la garantie des droits civils, une justice indépendante, la liberté de la presse, etc . Jusqu'à présent, cependant, tous ces éléments sont toujours opprimés par l'état commando lui-même, bien nourrie par les diverses formes d'aide technique et financière.

Les bédouins constituent dans l'État d'Israel un petit groupe (le 13%) dans la minorité arabe et ils ont achevé leur procès de sédentarisation vers la moitié du siècle en créant un nombre élevé de villages et hameaux. L'objet de cet article est d'examiner et définir la nature de ces modèles de peuplement rural établis dans deux secteurs de la Galilée et du Neguev. L'analyse porte sur la période 1948-1983 dans laquelle ont eu lieu des changements dans les processus et les formes de sédentarisation sous des conditions politiques entièrement nouvelles. Après la création de l'Etat d'Israël en 1948 la sédentarisation des bédouins en Galiiée et dans le Neguev s'est achevé dans la décennie suivante (1950-1960). Cependant les modèles de sédentarisation ont évolué pendant les deux dernières décennies et cette tendance ne semble pas devoir changer jusqu'à la fin du siècle. Dans la période israélienne la sédentarisation des bédouins s'est développée dans deux directions différentes. D'une part les bédouins eux-mêmes ont mis en place des structures résidentielles permanentes qu'on a appelé "villages bédouins spontanés". D'autre part les autorités de l'Etat ont planifié et établi des villages. Dans ces "villages bédouins planifiés" le rôle de l'Etat a été primordial dans sa configuration. C'est important de souligner que plusieurs villages bédouins en Israël appartiennent à la première catégorie dans laquelle la totalité d'un groupe ou d'une tribu a été le promoteur de son propre village. Cet article, dont l'auteur appartient à une communauté bédouine, a été écrit surtout d'après des données obtenues su; le terrain et il s'agit d'un premier essai d'établir l'importance du rôle de l'Etat dans la configuration des modèles de peuplement. L'auteur espère ainsi d'avoir contribué à l'étude du nomadisme et aussi à celui des arabes en Israël. ; The bedouin in Israel form a small group (13%) within the State's Arab minority, and they completed their transition stage towards settled habits in the middle of the present century with the establishment of a relatively high number of villages and hamlets. It is the object of this paper to exami- ne and define the nature of these patterns of rural settlements, which emerged in the two distinaive areas of Galilee and the Negev. The discussion in this paper is confined to the period of the State of Israel (1948-1983), when changes ln both the processes and the patterns of bedouin sedentarization took place under entirely new political conditions. After the establishment of the Jewish State of Israel in 1948, both Galilee and Negev bedouin sedentarization was completed within a period of a single decade (1950-1960). However, the sedentarization pattern has further evolved du- ring the past two decades and is likely to continue to do so unti1 the end of the present century. In the Israeli period, the pattern of bedouin sedentarization has developed in two distinct directions. First, the bedouin themselves have built perma- nent structures for residential purposes, a process usually referred to as "spontaneous bedouin settlement". Secondly, the State authorities have planned and established settlement. In this "planned bedouin settlement", the State has been dominant in shaping the pattem. It is important to note that most bedouin settlement in Israel belong in the first category where the whole tribe or individual groups were the initiators of their settlements. This paper which was written by an author belongs to the bedouin community, is based mostly upon fresh evidence from field research data, and is the first attempt to indicate the importance of the role of the State in shaping the settlement pattem. It is hoped to contribute to the study of nomadism as well as to the study of the Arabs in Israel. ; A Israel els beduïns són un grup minoritari (13%) en un Estat de minoria àrab. La seva definitiva sedentarització s'aconseguí a mitjan segle XX, amb l'establiment d'un nombre relativament alt de pobles i llogarrets. L'objectiu d'aquest article és examinar i definir la naturalesa d'aquests models d'assentament rural en dues àrees diferents: Galilea i el Nègueb. L'anàlisi es limita al període 1948-1983, moment en què els canvis en els processos i en els models de sedentarització beduïna es donaren sota unes noves condicions polítiques. Després de l'establiment de l'Estat jueu d'Israel, el 1948, la sedentarització beduïna a Galilea i al Nègueb es completa en només deu anys (1950-1960). Amb tot el model de sedentarització es desenvolupa més endavant -al llarg de les dues últimes dècades- i és molt probable que continuï fent-ho fins a finals de segle. En el període israelià el model de sedentarització beduïna ha evolu cionat en dues direccions diferents. Per una banda, el beduïns mateixos han construït habitacles permanents, tot i que, sovint, són considerats com a "assentaments beduïns espontanis". Per altra banda, l'Estat ha planificat i creat assentaments. En aquests "assentaments beduins planificats", l'Estat ha fet prevaler el seu model. És important assenyalar que la major part dels assentaments beduïns a Israel pertanyen a la primera categoria, en la qual la iniciativa del nou assentament partí de tota la tribu o grup . Aquest article -l'autor del qual pertany a la comunitat beduïna- es basa principalment en dades inèdites extretes del treball de camp. És, de fet, el primer intent d'assenyalar la importància del paper de l'Estat en la configuració dels models d'assentament. L'autor desitja contribuir, així, no només a l'estudi del nomadisme, sinó també al de la comunitat àrab a Israel.

Introducción. Las fuentes históricas son escasas y deficientes con respecto a datos de migración y los censos sólo ocasionalmente consignan el origen geográfico de los empadronados. El censo de 1813 en Córdoba constituye un ejemplo de ello, en épocas bélicas donde era imprescindible reclutar población. Este estudio propone: 1) caracterizar los conjuntos migratorios en función de variables individuales consignadas en el censo; 2) descubrir aquellos con mayores y menores tasas migratorias; 3) evaluar la interacción y peso de las características individuales que condicionarían ser un migrante. Material y métodos. La fuente fue el censo de 1813 para la Ciudad y Campaña cordobesas (71.519 individuos), del cual se seleccionaron nombre y apellido, edad, estado civil, grupo etno-social, condición (libres o esclavos), lugar de empadronamiento y de origen. El análisis estadístico se efectuó mediante: distribuciones por edad, sexo y estado civil de migrantes y «no migrantes»; tablas de contingencia, con proporciones de migración en cada grupo y «odds ratio»; regresiones logísticas simples y múltiples tomando como variable dependiente ser migrante o no migrante y como independientes sexo, edad, estado civil, residencia, «clase» (español, indio, negro, casta) y condición. Resultados. La capital recibía predominantemente inmigrantes de lugares lejanos, mientras la Campaña receptaba de otras zonas rurales cordobesas y de la Ciudad, indicando una migración urbano-rural fundamentalmente de hombres y mujeres casados, luego ancianos y niños. Los factores más condicionantes fueron el estado civil, el grupo etno-social, el sexo y la edad. Conclusiones. Esa migración fue una estrategia fundamentalmente familiar hacia zonas rurales, que afectó diferencialmente según estado civil y etnia, frecuente y generalizada a casi todos los grupos, con un patrón seguramente condicionado por la situación socio-política imperante. No hubo casi diferencias en cantidad y patrón entre españoles y castas, aunque hayan tenido distintas causas y utilizado diferentes estrategias ; Introduction. Historical sources are scarce and deficient with regard to migration data, and censuses only occasionally show the geographic origin of individuals. In Cordoba, the 1813 census was carried out at war time, when population recruitment was essential. This study aims 1) to characterize migratory sets according to individual variables recorded in the census; 2) to discover sets with high and low migratory rates; 3) to evaluate the weight and interaction of individual characteristics linked to migrating predisposition. Material and Methods. The source was Cordoba 1813 census in city and rural areas (71519 individuals). Data of names and surnames, age, civil state, ethnosocial group, condition (free or slave), origin and residence places were selected. The statistical analyses included : migrant and "nonmigrant" distributions by age, sex and civil state; contingency tables with group migration proportions and "odds ratio"; simple and multiple logistic regressions with "migrant" or "non-migrant" as dependent variable and sex, age, civil state, "class" (Spanish, Indian, Black, "Casta") and condition as independent variables. Results. The city received immigrants from long distances, while rural areas received from other rural populations and from the city, showing urban-rural migration involving married men and women, old age people and children. The more influencing factors were civil state, ethno-social group, sex and age. Conclusions. Migration to the countryside was a frequent family strategy, common in almost all social groups and probably conditioned by the socio-political and military situation. Few differences in migration rates and patterns were found between Spaniards and "Castas", despite differences in causes and strategies. ; Introdução. As fontes históricas são escassas e deficientes no respeito aos dados da migração, e os recenseamentos somente mostram ocasionalmente a origem geográfica dos indivíduos. Em Córdoba, o recenseamento 1813 foi realizado no tempo de guerra, quando o recrutamento da população era essencial. Este estudo aponta 1) caracterizar jogos migratórios de acordo com variáveis individuais gravou no recenseamento; 2) para descobrir jogos com taxas migratórios do alto e baixo; 3) para identificar características individuais lig à predisposição da migração. Material e métodos. A fonte era o recenseamento 1813 de Córdoba na cidade capital e nas áreas rurais (71519 indivíduos). Os dados dos nomes e os sobrenomes, a idade, estado civil, grupo etno-social, circunstância (livre ou escravo), origem e lugares da residência foram selecionados. As análises estatísticas incluíram: emigrante e distribuições "nonmigrant" pela idade, pelo sexo e pelo estado civil; tabelas de contingência com relação das proporções e das "probabilidades" da migração do grupo; regressões logísticas simples e múltiplas com o "emigrante" ou "não-emigrante" como a variável e sexo dependente, idade, estado civil, "classe" (espanhol, indiano, preto, "Casta") e circunstância como variáveis independentes. Resultados. A cidade recebeu imigrantes das distâncias longas, quando as áreas rurais recebidas de outras populações rurais e da cidade, mostrando a migração urbana-rural que envolvem homens e mulheres casados, os povos da idade avançada e as crianças. Os fatores de influência eram estado civil, grupo ethno-social, sexo e idade. Conclusões. A migração ao campo era uma estratégia freqüente da família, comuns em quase todos os grupos sociais e condicionadas provavelmente pela situação sócia-político e militar. Poucas diferenças em taxas e em testes padrões de migração foram encontradas entre espanhóis e "Castas", apesar das diferenças nas causas e nas estratégias. ; Fil: Colantonio, Sonia Edith. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina ; Fil: Mangeaud, Arnaldo. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Cs.exactas Físicas y Naturales. Departamento de Matemáticas. Cátedra de Estadística y Biometria; Argentina

[spa] A mediados de 1982, Argentina inició, tras varios años de dictadura militar, la transición a la democracia. Ésta conllevó, además del retorno a la normalidad constitucional y parlamentaria, cambios sustanciales en todos los órdenes de la vida. La educación, considerada una de las piezas clave del proceso a medio y largo plazo, no quedó al margen de tales cambios. Así, muy pronto, se emprendió el proceso de democratización, normalización y modernización de las instituciones educativas, desde la enseñanza primaria hasta la universitaria, pasando por la educación popular y otros medios de formación y atención de sectores de la población más vulnerables o desfavorecidos. El estudio que aquí se presenta, que ahonda en los asuntos anteriormente mencionados, pero bajo el prisma de la historia de las mentalidades, es el resultado de la primera fase de una investigación más amplia que tiene como objetivos principales esclarecer las posiciones políticas, ideológicas y pedagógicas de la opinión pública ante la educación durante los procesos de transición a la democracia en España y Argentina, así como bosquejar la idea de educación manejada por el ciudadano medio y asentada en los imaginarios colectivos de los citados territorios. En este artículo se precisan, delimitan y describen las fuentes documentales, en este caso, editoriales, artículos de opinión, secciones fijas, entrevistas y reportajes con tema la educación publicados en Argentina en los principales diarios de difusión nacional – Clarín, La Nación y La Prensa – durante el lapso de la transición. Se ofrecen, asimismo, una aproximación al perfil de editorialistas y articulistas y una panorámica de las cuestiones relativas a educación sobre las que centraron su atención la prensa diaria y que, de algún modo, focalizaron el debate público. Cierra el trabajo lo que quizás constituya la principal aportación, la relación detallada de fuentes documentales, hasta ahora sin explorar. ; [eng] In the middle of 1982, after several years of military dictatorship, Argentina began the transition to democracy. This led, as well as the comeback to constitutional and parliamentary normality, to significant changes in all spheres of life. Education, regarded as one the key elements of this process in the medium and long term, played an active role in these changes. Thus, the process of democratisation, normalisation and modernisation of educational institutions started, ranging from elementary to university studies, including popular education and other means of training and attention were addressed to the most vulnerable and unprivileged population sectors. The study, which delves into the aforementioned issues, although from the perspective of the history of mentalities, is the result of a first phase of a broader research that aims to clarify the political, ideological and pedagogical views of public opinion with regard to education during the transition processes to democracy in Spain and Argentina. It also outlines the idea of education held by the average citizen, which was settled in the collective imaginations of these territories. This paper accurately defines and describes the documentary sources used (in this case editorials, opinion articles, fixed sections, interviews and articles on education published in Argentina in the most important national newspapers such as Clarín, La Nación and La Prensa, and during the period of transition. We also offer an approach to the profile of columnists and editorialists and an overview of issues relating to education on which daily press focused and that, somehow, centred public debate. The work is closed by which is perhaps the main contribution, a detailed account of documentary sources, still unexplored. ; [cat] A mitjan 1982, l"Argentina va iniciar, després de diversos anys de dictadura militar, la transició a la democràcia. Aquesta va comportar, a més del retorn a la normalitat constitucional i parlamentària, canvis substancials en tots els ordres de la vida. L"educació, considerada una de les peces clau del procés a mitjà i llarg termini, no va quedar al marge d"aquests canvis. Així, ben aviat, es va emprendre el procés de democratització, normalització i modernització de les institucions educatives, des de l"ensenyament primari fins a l"universitari, passant per l"educació popular i altres mitjans de formació i atenció de sectors de la població més vulnerables o desfavorits. L"estudi que aquí es presenta, que aprofundeix en els assumptes anteriorment esmentats, però sota el prisma de la història de les mentalitats, és el resultat de la primera fase d"una investigació més àmplia que té com a objectius principals aclarir els posicionaments polítics, ideològics i pedagògics de l"opinió pública davant l"educació durant els processos de transició a la democràcia a Espanya i Argentina, així com esbossar la idea d"educació manejada pel ciutadà mitjà i assentada en els imaginaris col·lectius dels esmentats territoris. En aquest article es precisen, delimiten i descriuen les fonts documentals, en aquest cas, editorials, articles d"opinió, seccions fixes, entrevistes i reportatges amb tema l"educació publicats a Argentina als principals diaris de difusió nacional Clarín, La Nación i La Prensa durant el lapse de la transició. S"ofereixen, així mateix, una aproximació al perfil dels editorialistes i dels articulistes i una panoràmica de les qüestions relatives a educació sobre les quals va centrar la seva atenció la premsa diària i que, d"alguna manera, van focalitzar el debat públic. Tanca el treball el que potser constitueix la principal aportació, la relació detallada de fonts documentals, fins ara sense explorar.