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In recent years, guidelines have been issued encouraging therapists to see masculinity in relation to power, privilege, and other constructs related to patriarchy theory. An exploratory study took a snowball sample of psychological therapists (psychotherapists, clinical psychologists, etc) recruited through professional networks and social media platforms between September and November 2020. This anonymous online survey asked participants how they view masculinity in relation to therapy. A total of 107 therapists met the inclusion criteria, mean + SD age 47.1 + 12.5, 66% (71) male, and 12.1 + 9.9 years in practice. Sixty therapists also described their approach to therapy with men, and content analysis found three categories: male-orientated (i.e., being aware of male-typical preferences for therapy; n = 36); gender-neutral (i.e., treating male and female clients in the same way; n = 20); and anti-patriarchy (i.e., viewing men's problems as a result of the influence of patriarchy on socialisation into masculinity; n = 4). Chi-square (χ2) analysis with Fisher's exact correction found therapists with a male-friendly approach were significantly less likely than other therapists to believe that: the training they received was male-friendly (χ2 = 17.804, p < .01); patriarchy holds women back (χ2 = 17.542, p < .05); and masculinity is simply a social construct (χ2 = 17.476, p < .05). They also identified less as being feminist (χ2 = 16.787, p <. 05); and less as being left-wing politically (χ2 = 15.347, p <. 05). Therapists' views about masculinity and patriarchy are significantly related to how they report treating male clients.

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE NARRATIVE DISCOURSE ON EASTERN EUROPE CONSTRUCTED BY MAINSTREAM US MEDIA FOR THE AMERICAN PUBLIC. DUE TO A COMBINATION OF FACTORS INCLUDING OVERALL SCARCITY OF COVERAGE, CRISIS-DRIVEN COVERAGE, AND THE USE OF LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL STEREOTYPES, THE AMERICAN PUBLIC IS PRESENTED WITH THE CONSTRUCT OF EASTERN EUROPE AND THE EAST EUROPEAN AS THE PRIMITIVE, SOMETIMES VIOLENCE PRONE, SOMTIMES RIDICULOUS "OTHER."

Surveys tend to ignore the likelihood that the matters they inquire about are irrelevant to a majority of the respondents. To test that insight, a questionnaire was developed to measure the importance attached to politics by French secondary school students. The characteristics of the sample & the atmosphere in which it was surveyed (Paris students are supposedly very politicized & a bitter debate on educational reform had just been concluded) should have tended to raise interest in politics. The data show that at least 80% of the respondents regard politics & government as domains of low centrality & subjective importance in relation to other concerns; for 60%, government has no centrality whatsoever; & the level of political involvement & style of partisanship vary with centrality. The implications of the study are that the concept of centrality has been unjustly ignored in past research & that responses in past surveys may have overestimated the degree of genuine commitment to positions ostensibly taken. 7 Tables, 1 Figure. S. Karganovic.

This essay argues that Hume's political and historical thought is well read as skeptical and skeptical in a way that roots it deeply in the Hellenistic traditions of both Pyrrhonian and Academical thought. It deploys skeptical instruments to undermine political rationalism as well as theologically and metaphysically political ideologies. (1) Hume's is politics of opinion (doxa) and (2) appearance (phainomena). It labors to oppose faction and enthusiasm and generate (3) suspension (epochê), (4) balance (isosthenia), (5) tranquility (ataraxia), and (6) moderation (metriopatheia, moderatio). Because Hume advocate the use of reflectively generated but epistemically and metaphysically suspensive general rules, his political thought is not intrinsically conservative. While it valorizes stability and peace, Humean politics accepts a contested and open-ended (zetesis) political order, one that requires continuous maintenance and revision but does not pretend to any ultimate or final progress or end. ; Este ensayo pretende demostrar que el pensamiento político e histórico de Hume se interpreta bien cuando se lo lee como escéptico, y de un escepticismo que hunde sus raíces en las tradiciones helenísticas tanto del pensamiento académico como del pirrónico. Despliega instrumentos escépticos que socavan tanto el racionalismo político como las ideologías políticas de base metafísica o teológica. (1) La de Hume es una política de la opinión (doxa) y (2) la apariencia (phainomena). Trabaja para oponerse a la facción y al entusiasmo y generar (3) suspensión (epochê), (4) balance (isosthenia), (5) tranquilidad (ataraxia), y (6) moderación (metriopatheia, moderatio). A causa de la defensa de Hume del uso de reglas generales producidas de forma reflexiva, pero que suspenden compromisos epistémicos o metafísicos, su pensamiento político no es intrínsecamente conservador. Mientras que valora la estabilidad y la paz, la política humeana acepta un orden político de confrontación abierta (zetesis), un orden que requiere de un mantenimiento continuo y de revisiones, pero que no pretende un progreso o fin último o definitivo.

Our confidence in technologically processed food is under increasing pressure and is no longer self-evident. Meaningful public discourse on the social impact of food technology is an important ingredient for restoring this confidence. This dissertation analyses the Dutch public debate on food technology, with a special emphasis on E numbers, and explains why technologists and consumers often engage in a dialogue of the deaf. Health risks are not the only reason behind our mistrust of E numbers; it also involves a food relationship that contributes to an indifferent, lazy and flat food culture. This dissertation offers several recommendations for improving this dialogue.

Since the 1980s, Tibet has again become a focal point of international controversy. Arguments are now claiming that Tibet in 1950 was, and of right ought to have been, a state. Condemnations by various bodies in the 1950s and the 1960s that accused China of invading and "independent" Tibet and thus violating international law have re-surfaced to back that claim. The paper maintains that the case for Chinese sovereignty over Tibet is very strong, and attempts to argue on the contrary suffer from a variety of historical, legal and logical weakness. Nevertheless, the paper concludes that it is one thing to claim that China has sovereign power over Tibet and therefore her actions in the 1950s did not violate international law, it is another to claim that she has violated the human rights of the Tibetans. (AJPS/DÜI)

This is one of four projected volumes to emerge from a massive, Pew-funded study that sought to answer the question: What happens when a revivalist religion based on scriptural orthodoxy participates in the volatile politics of the Third World? Is the result a democratic politics of the ballot box, or is it more like an authoritarian politics of command from on high? Does the evangelical faith of the Bible hinder or promote a politics of the ballot box? At a time when the global-political impact of another revivalist and scriptural religion, Islam, fuels vexed debate among analysts the world over, these volumes offer an unusual comparative perspective on a critical issue: the often combustible interaction of resurgent religion and the developing world's unstable politics.The present volume considers the case of Africa, the region with the world's fastest expanding population.

Preface -- Introduction: the question of the Islamic republic -- Islamic utopian romanticism and the foreign policy culture of Iran -- Inventions of the Iran-Iraq War and the myth of endemic 'Persian-Arab' enmity -- Iranian-American encounters: the Islamic republic in the neoconservative mind -- Iran's pluralistic momentum and the future of Iranian democracy -- In place of a conlusion: towards critical Iranian studies

Neoliberalism, which cannot be described by a certain rule, includes a wide range of perspective. Therefore, it is a highly effective notion in terms of economics and politics. This efficiency has a mutual meaning in socio-cultural area. However, it is obvious that the most effective area of neoliberal politics is economics, because intended efficiency in politics and socio-cultural levels are provided through applicable economics politics. Although it has some certain notions derived from all the economics premises, neoliberalism fundamentally forces financial market orders and thus requires the use of state power systematically. Institutional economics is the economics stream established by Thorstein Veblen, linking man's nature of society with economics affected by Darwin's ideas of the origins of species. Thus, institutional economics claims that the economics behavior cannot be thought separately from all institutional forms such as social, cultural and politics of the society. So, economics can vary between societies, depending on time and place. This study focuses on two main premises: Putting forward the relationship between mainstream economics (neoclassical economics) and neoliberal economics politics, and the criticism of institutional economics on this. Firstly, relationship between neoliberalism and mainstream economics will be analyzed, then the nature of institutional economics will be examined especially in terms of the thoughts of its founder Thorstein Veblen and finally relationship between neoliberalism and institutional economics will be discussed. By the mediation of new aspects provided by institutional economics to neoliberal economics politics, the applications of economics can be better maintained, and this can create more fair steps towards economics politics.

La producción académica sobre los comportamientos de los hinchas que integran las llamadas "barras bravas", a nivel nacional e internacional, particularmente en Latinoamérica,se ha especializado en el estudio de las prácticas de estos hinchas, lo que ha favorecido y profundizado la discusión teórica sobre la relación entre el fútbol, la violencia y el género. Nos proponemos analizar la relación entre el fútbol, la violencia y la política en Argentina, considerando que el cruce entre violencia y política es una dimensión complementaria del estudio, y partiendo del supuesto de que la violencia es un elemento emergente de una trama de relaciones e intercambios donde participan los hinchas y los agentes legítimos de los procesos políticos. ; Academic production regarding the behavior of the fans that make up the so-called barras bravas (tough soccer supporter groups), at the national and international levels and particularly in Latin America, has concentrated on the study of the practices of those fans, thus fostering and deepening theoretical discussion about the relationship among soccer, violence, and gender. Considering that the intersection between violence and politics complements such studies, the purpose of this paper is to analyze the relation among soccer, violence, and politics in Argentina, starting out from the assumption that violence is an emerging element within a network of relations and exchanges in which both fans and legitimate agents of political processes participate. ; Fil: Moreira, Maria Veronica Elizabeth. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

In this article, we examine the relationship between racial resentment and a host of political attitudes, predispositions, and behaviors across 28 years and 7 presidential elections. We find, contrary to the suggestions of recent work of the role of race in the Obama era, that the racialization of seemingly nonracial political issues began many years before the debut of Barack Obama and extends beyond his presidency. More specifically, we find, controlling for other factors, that the relationships between racial resentment and partisan and ideological self-identifications, evaluations of the major party presidential candidates, and attitudes about health insurance and governmental services have strengthened each subsequent year beginning in 1988 through 2016. This trend reflects the growing extent to which racial considerations are brought to bear on individual evaluations of and orientations toward the political world.