Suchergebnisse

Since the late-19th century, for political expediency, the Sri Lankan Muslims have used Islam as a marker of identity difference which has suffered due to the tensions of religious and ethnic identity markers. Unlike Tamils and Sinhalese ethnic groups, Sri Lanka Muslim elites did not choose language as their primary identity marker but sought to differentiate themselves based on the practices and traditions of Islamic faith. These tensions have manifested in several ways, however, following the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, there has been a great strain placed on Muslim representation as questions have been asked as to whether the religious identity has laid the foundations for the radicalization of the Muslims, especially in the wake of global Islamophobia and concerns about security. Therefore, it is important to answer questions related to Islamic identity manifestation in Sri Lanka: What is the role of an Islamic religious identity in radicalizing Sri Lankan Muslims? Why did Sri Lanka become a convenient place for IS' activities? Did religious identity alone cause the radicalization of some Muslims? This article would attempt to answer these questions by (1) revisiting the Muslim community's identity formation before the independence, (2) explaining Islamic identity in the post-independence Sri Lanka and the political representation to win votes and mobilize support during the ethnic civil war between Tamils and Sinhalese, and (3) analyzing factors that contributed to the radicalization of Muslims, and Islam. Drawing mostly on secondary sources, the article attempts to situate Sri Lanka Muslims' identity formation in Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict and reconciliation. Using answers from interviews conducted through Zoom, WeChat, and WhatsApp, the article assesses the behavior of Sri Lanka Muslims in the face of the 2019 terrorist attack by some Muslims. The article finds that religious identity alone is not sufficient to trigger violence, as evidence suggests that underlying socio-economic as well as political grievances produce polarization and radical actions. We argue that long-standing arguments tying radical actions solely to religion may require substantial revision and need to be situated within a wider frame of national reconciliation especially if it does not consider existing contexts.

The current global "war on terror" highlights a fundamental quandary for all liberal democracies seeking to counter the violent extremism of their own citizens while maintaining civic rights and freedoms. This challenge accompanies a transformation in international conflict from inter-state war and superpower rivalry, to homegrown terrorism, radicalization-to-violence, Internet propaganda, and targeting and recruitment of vulnerable persons. These new threats shift the battlefield, as traditionally defined, to the home front, as extremist violence is nurtured by and perpetrated within public spaces, such as schools, places of religious worship, civil society and the home. Today, violence emanates from within liberal democratic society and its extremist motivations bypass the very institutions that would otherwise support civic rights, freedoms and multiculturalism. As such, attempts to counter extremist violence must appeal to the political, social, cultural, religious and familial aspects of human behavior alongside a parallel shift in efforts to keep citizens safe within their own social spaces. In recent years, Canada has been introduced to home grown and lone individual terrorism with the cases of attack against armed forces personnel in Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu and Ottawa in 2014. This article identifies the social dimensions of counter-terrorism in the Canadian context, a propitious case by which to evaluate different approaches to countering violent extremism. Canadian initiatives - simultaneously proliferating and in their infancy – raise a host of questions about counter-terrorism in liberal democratic countries. For example, why do individuals radicalize-to-violence in rights-based and multicultural societies? How and when can the liberal democratic state best temper the radicalization process in ways that are effective and procedurally just? What state-society balance works best to counter radicalized viewpoints? Who are the appropriate stakeholders in mounting and monitoring counter radicalization programs? What risks accompany government engagement with communities against terrorist activity? And what are the appropriate measures of success? These questions lay the groundwork for an empirical analysis of prevalent programs in Canada against the background of the "war on terror", multiculturalism, racial profiling, community policing and other contemporary Canadian values.

The radicalization of individuals & groups is discussed. While there has been considerable research on why individuals join radical groups & why different groups & individuals engage in violence, there has been little attention devoted to why groups adopt nonviolent strategies & the relationship between these nonviolent strategies & violence. Insights derived from learning theory are employed to explain & predict the strategies that will be adopted by radical groups & the sequence in which they will be adopted, given various environmental conditions. A formal model of radical social movements is presented & applied in detail to the American anti-Vietnam War movement. The case study, though strictly a theoretical analysis, lends considerable credence to numerous propositions in the model. Through the use of the model, the gap between the antiwar movement formation & movement strife is filled. Modified HA.

A counter-terrorism preventative strategy is a must in any nation and such strategies became of even greater importance with the events of 9/11. A properly defined strategy allows not only for a nation to defend itself but to prevent the grounds that may lead to the radicalization of citizens towards violent extremist ideals. Many academics look at these preventative frameworks from a critical perspective and it is the opinion of many that, as it stands, counter-terrorism prevention strategies are not effective, and may actually be at the origin of discriminatory practices. The purpose of this research is not only to understand how a prevention framework is developed but its own effectiveness. This will be ascertained by using the Portuguese case as an example of a nation that has been mostly unaffected by this phenomenon since 9/11 but has nonetheless to deliver its own counter-terrorism strategy due to its placement within the European Union. Portugal was chosen due to the gap of literature on the Portuguese example and the overall lack of knowledge of how counter-terrorism works within the nation. This goal is achieved by conducting interviews with experts on this field and analyzing these results through the Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) whose framework will allow to determine how the Portuguese preventative strategy compares against the strategies presented by other nations in their preventative activities. Determining what is this preventative framework, how it is aligned with European standards and if it works in successfully preventing the Islamic extremism which was observed in the past years and more recently the rise in far-right extremism observed throughout Europe will be key goals throughout this research. ; Uma estratégia preventiva no campo do contra-terrorismo é uma necessidade para qualquer nação e estas estratégias tornaram-se cada vez mais importantes com os eventos do 9/11. Uma estratégia corretamente definida permite não só que uma nação se defenda, mas previne as circunstâncias que possam levam à radicalização de indivíduos para ideais extremistas. Muitos académicos vêm estes planeamentos preventivos de uma perspetiva critica e é da opinião de vários que, como se encontram, as estratégias preventivas de contra-terrorismo não são eficientes e podem até estar na origem de práticas discriminatórias. O propósito desta investigação é não apenas de entender como um planeamento preventivo é desenvolvido, mas compreender a sua eficácia. Isto será estudado utilizando o caso português como o exemplo de uma nação que permaneceu maioritariamente não afetada por este fenómeno desde o 9/11, mas independentemente precisa de apresentar uma estratégia contra-terrorista devido ao seu envolvimento na União Europeia. Portugal foi escolhido devido à lacuna literária existente para o caso português e um desconhecimento em geral de como contra-terrorismo funciona dentro da nação. Este objetivo será atingido através de entrevistas com peritos no campo e ao analisar estes resultados através do modelo Estudos Críticos ao Terrorismo (CTS) cuja base critica permitirá determinar como a estratégia preventiva Portuguesa compara contra as estratégias apresentadas por outras nações. Determinar qual é esta estratégia preventiva, como está alinhada com os requerimentos europeus e se a mesma é eficaz em prevenir o extremismo Islâmico que veio a ser observado em anos anteriores e mais recentemente o extremismo de direita que tem sido observado pela Europa são objetivos chave para esta investigação.

This book explores the impact of globalization on self and identity from multidisciplinary perspectives. Chapters cover a variety of topics including the impact of cultural inertia on intergroup relations, global consumer identity, radicalization, evolving national identities, young people's negotiations of different cultural identities, the emergence of all inclusive global identities, and the impact of global citizenship education on global identity. This collection will be of value to scholars and students from across the social sciences

1. Introduction: Society and Sociology in Chile -- 2. From 'Academic' to 'Scientific' Sociology (1948-1958) -- 3. Sociology: From Scientific to its Radicalization (1958-1973) -- 4. Breakdown, Crisis, Persecution, and Reorganization of Sociology under the Civil-Military Dictatorship (1973-1990) -- 5. Democratic Recovery and the New Scene for Academic and Professional Exercise of Sociology (1990-2010) -- 6. The Return of Society in the 21st Century (2011-2021) -- 7. Conclusion: A Plural Sociology for a Diverse Society.

"This book explores the impact of globalization on self and identity from multidisciplinary perspectives. Chapters cover a variety of topics including the impact of cultural inertia on intergroup relations, global consumer identity, radicalization, evolving national identities, young people's negotiations of different cultural identities, the emergence of all inclusive global identities, and the impact of global citizenship education on global identity. This collection will be of value to scholars and students from across the social sciences."--

"The radicalization of Pakistan's army and its links with worldwide terrorist organizations over the last 70 years, poses a grave danger to the country's nuclear installations in terms of insider attacks. The spectrum of rogue and radicalized elements range from military officers to employees of Strategic Planning Division and officers of nuclear force. The author of this book helps the reader understand Pakistan's nuclear program and its threat of falling into hands of rogue elements.".

1. The Druze and the Lebanese state : a complex dialectic -- 2. Lebanon from mandatory rule to the independence era : the Druze in the center of the storm -- 3. Lebanon under the shadow of revolution : the Druze and the first civil war -- 4. In the shadow of Chehabism : between cooptation and radicalization -- 5. End of the race : the second civil war -- 6. The confessionalism tangle -- 7. The struggle over Lebanon's history : selected matters of the Druze historiography.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Rituals, Identities, and Politics -- 1. The Circumcision Questions in the German-Speaking Lands, 1843-1857 -- 2. German Unification, Emancipation, and the "Ritual Questions" -- 3. The Radicalization of the Ritual Questions, 1880-1916 -- 4. "The Disgrace of Our Century!" Circumcision, Kosher Butchering, and Modern German Politics -- 5. The Schachtfragen and Jewish Political Behavior -- 6. A "Renaissance" for the Ritual Questions? The Ritual Debates of the Weimar Republic -- Epilogue -- Bibliography -- Index

""Contents""; ""List of Illustrations""; ""List of Tables""; ""Preface""; ""Acknowledgments""; ""Introduction: Of Memory and Mirrors""; ""1. The Conceptual Framework: Nation-States and the Politics and Identity of Exiles""; ""2. El Exilio: National Security Interests and the Origins of the Cuban Exile Enclave""; ""3. The 1960s: Entrance, Backlash, and Resettlement Programs""; ""4. The 1970s: Pluralization, Radicalization, and Homeland""; ""5. The 1980s: Entering Mainstream Politics""; ""6. Cuban Exile Politics at the End of the Cold War

In recent years the Baloch national movement has undergone a sea change. The dismantling of rudimentary representative institutions by the military regime of Pakistan's president, General Pervez Musharraf, set off a process of radicalization of Baloch nationalism. The excessive reliance on a coercive state apparatus has not only alienated the moderate nationalists but also increased the popularity of a separatist creed. This article argues that aggressive resource exploitation and state repression is pushing Balochs toward secession.

This is the fifth post in the blog series "Movements and Institutions". The article traces a formalization process within the Interventionist Left (IL). Against theoretical expectations that would assume a de-radicalization of aims and repertoires of protest, we find that due to the network's multi-track strategy, and the claim to radicalize existing social debates, the IL did not de-radicalize despite a formalization process and a partial integration into established systems.

Post-Soviet Azerbaijan has been moving through a process of Islamic revival for more than two decades. This revival in itself has not been a homogenous process, having its ups and downs, changing dynamics and multi-dimensional characteristics. Radicalization, sectarianism and state-civil society-religious relations are the issues at stake. A recent trend of more control over faith-based activism with ongoing marginalization along sectarian lines is a problem that must be addressed.

Radicalisation is a conceptual investigation within Western liberal democratic societies that follows an analytical framework linking expertise theory to discourse analysis of publications from the academic, governmental, and non-governmental spheres, as well as a dozen interviews with experts in the field. The reader will come to understand the socio-political configurations that led to the emergence of radicalisation as an object of study. The book also identifies the historical tensions regarding models, definitions, and operationalisation of the concept of radicalisation in social sciences research. Finally, a new model explaining how the term radicalisation became the central conceptual framework of a new field of expertise will be proposed. The book is situated within the fields of security studies, crime prevention, and sociology of expertise. The book is innovative in its distinct focus on the term radicalisation and the expertise thereof. With its diachronic and synthetical approach, the book also serves as an entry point for all researchers and practitioners seeking an introduction to the subject of radicalisation and violent extremism.