Suchergebnisse

Asia-Pacific trade and investment flows have burgeoned over recent decades, albeit impacted by China-US trade tensions and especially the COVID-19 pandemic (§1.02). International investment agreements have proliferated to liberalise and protect investments (§1.03), mostly adding the option of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). Asia-related ISDS cases have also started to grow, albeit somewhat belatedly (§1.04), complementing a more longstanding upward trend in international commercial arbitration (ICA) cases involving Asian parties filed in the region as well as the traditional Western centres (§1.05). The eastward shift in international dispute resolution has already involved initiatives to improve not just support for ICA and ISDS arbitrations, but also to develop alternatives such as international commercial courts and mediation. Core arguments from ensuing chapters (§1.06) cover the main existing venues for international dispute resolution in Asia (China, Hong Kong and Singapore) but also some emerging contenders (Japan, Malaysia, India and Australia). Overall (§1.07), can ICA venues improve their attractiveness through law reforms, case law development and other measures, despite growing concerns about costs and delays? Will some emerging concerns about ISDS prompt Asia-Pacific states to become more active 'rule makers' in international investment law? How might these issues be affected by the COVID-19 pandemic?

National audience ; The States that signed the Paris Accord in 2015 at the 21st Conference of the Parties (COP21) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) set themselves the common objective of achieving a balance in anthropogenic greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by the second half of the 21st century. According to a net emissions flow approach adopted by several European countries, France adopted a "climate plan" in July 2017, with a "zero net emissions" (ZEN) objective for GHGs by 2050. Carbon sequestration in agricultural soils is one of the means envisaged to achieve this common mitigation objective. ; Les États signataires de l'Accord de Paris en 2015 dans le cadre de la 21 e conférence des parties (COP21) à la Convention-cadre des Nations unies sur les changements climatiques (CCNUCC) se sont donnés comme objectif commun de parvenir à un équilibre des émissions anthropiques de gaz à effet de serre (GES) d'ici à la seconde moitié du XXI e siècle. Selon une logique en flux d'émissions nettes adoptée par plusieurs pays européens, la France s'est dotée d'un « plan climat » en juillet 2017, avec un objectif de « zéro émission nette » (ZEN) de GES à l'horizon 2050 1. La séquestration du carbone dans les sols agricoles est l'un des moyens envisagés pour atteindre cet objectif commun d'atténuation.

After a particularly difficult judicial process, environmental associations obtained a criminal conviction of two vineyards by the BORDEAUX Court of Appeal, which, in a judgment of 18 November 2020, found against them the offence of inappropriate use of plant protection products. The decision is rare enough to raise the question of the effectiveness of repressive law as regards the standards intended to protect populations particularly exposed to pesticides ; International audience ; After a particularly difficult judicial process, environmental associations obtained a criminal conviction of two vineyards by the BORDEAUX Court of Appeal, which, in a judgment of 18 November 2020, found against them the offence of inappropriate use of plant protection products. The decision is rare enough to raise the question of the effectiveness of repressive law as regards the standards intended to protect populations particularly exposed to pesticides ; Au terme d'un parcours judiciaire particulièrement difficile, des associations de défense de l'environnement ont obtenu la condamnation pénale de deux domaines viticoles par la Cour d'appel de BORDEAUX qui, dans un arrêt du 18 novembre 2020, a retenu à leur encontre l'infraction d'utilisation inappropriée de produits phytopharmaceutiques. La décision est suffisamment rare pour poser la question de l'effectivité du droit répressif quant aux normes censées protéger les populations particulièrement exposées aux pesticides

Asia-Pacific trade and investment flows have burgeoned over recent decades, albeit impacted by China-US trade tensions and especially the COVID-19 pandemic (§1.02). International investment agreements have proliferated to liberalise and protect investments (§1.03), mostly adding the option of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). Asia-related ISDS cases have also started to grow, albeit somewhat belatedly (§1.04), complementing a more longstanding upward trend in international commercial arbitration (ICA) cases involving Asian parties filed in the region as well as the traditional Western centres (§1.05). The eastward shift in international dispute resolution has already involved initiatives to improve not just support for ICA and ISDS arbitrations, but also to develop alternatives such as international commercial courts and mediation. Core arguments from ensuing chapters (§1.06) cover the main existing venues for international dispute resolution in Asia (China, Hong Kong and Singapore) but also some emerging contenders (Japan, Malaysia, India and Australia). Overall (§1.07), can ICA venues improve their attractiveness through law reforms, case law development and other measures, despite growing concerns about costs and delays? Will some emerging concerns about ISDS prompt Asia-Pacific states to become more active 'rule makers' in international investment law? How might these issues be affected by the COVID-19 pandemic?

International audience Mauna Kea, the tallest volcano on Hawai'i Island, has become a mountain familiar to many in the Pacific and around the world, as a result of the massive mobilizations in which those who identified as kia'i (protectors) of the mountain opposed the construction of a giant Thirty Meter Telescope (TMT) at the summit. This article retraces the history of the Mauna Kea access road, based on a study of the English-language newspaper recordas well as ethnographic and archival material. From the road's inception in the 1930s onward, economic interests, political conflicts, and relations of domination appear intertwined with the very materiality of the road: its route, surface, safety, maintenance, as well as features such as cattle grids, crosswalks, and guardrails. Three political strategies centrally involved the notion of a Mauna Kea access road. Starting in the 1930s, businessmen and government officials pushed for a road, and later for its improvement, in order to make the mountain more accessible, in particular for skiing. As of the 1960s, this push was paralleled and contradicted by another strategy which consisted in keeping the mountain not too accessible, in part because ofwhat some perceived as a competition between recreational and scientific uses – skiing vs. science. A third political strategy involved the road as a site from which to question the notion of public ownership and to affirm sovereignty. The history of the Mauna Kea access road appears as a synecdoche of the political conflict over land and sovereignty that defines Hawaiian history since the nineteenth century.

National audience ; The States that signed the Paris Accord in 2015 at the 21st Conference of the Parties (COP21) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) set themselves the common objective of achieving a balance in anthropogenic greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by the second half of the 21st century. According to a net emissions flow approach adopted by several European countries, France adopted a "climate plan" in July 2017, with a "zero net emissions" (ZEN) objective for GHGs by 2050. Carbon sequestration in agricultural soils is one of the means envisaged to achieve this common mitigation objective. ; Les États signataires de l'Accord de Paris en 2015 dans le cadre de la 21 e conférence des parties (COP21) à la Convention-cadre des Nations unies sur les changements climatiques (CCNUCC) se sont donnés comme objectif commun de parvenir à un équilibre des émissions anthropiques de gaz à effet de serre (GES) d'ici à la seconde moitié du XXI e siècle. Selon une logique en flux d'émissions nettes adoptée par plusieurs pays européens, la France s'est dotée d'un « plan climat » en juillet 2017, avec un objectif de « zéro émission nette » (ZEN) de GES à l'horizon 2050 1. La séquestration du carbone dans les sols agricoles est l'un des moyens envisagés pour atteindre cet objectif commun d'atténuation.

National audience ; The States that signed the Paris Accord in 2015 at the 21st Conference of the Parties (COP21) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) set themselves the common objective of achieving a balance in anthropogenic greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by the second half of the 21st century. According to a net emissions flow approach adopted by several European countries, France adopted a "climate plan" in July 2017, with a "zero net emissions" (ZEN) objective for GHGs by 2050. Carbon sequestration in agricultural soils is one of the means envisaged to achieve this common mitigation objective. ; Les États signataires de l'Accord de Paris en 2015 dans le cadre de la 21 e conférence des parties (COP21) à la Convention-cadre des Nations unies sur les changements climatiques (CCNUCC) se sont donnés comme objectif commun de parvenir à un équilibre des émissions anthropiques de gaz à effet de serre (GES) d'ici à la seconde moitié du XXI e siècle. Selon une logique en flux d'émissions nettes adoptée par plusieurs pays européens, la France s'est dotée d'un « plan climat » en juillet 2017, avec un objectif de « zéro émission nette » (ZEN) de GES à l'horizon 2050 1. La séquestration du carbone dans les sols agricoles est l'un des moyens envisagés pour atteindre cet objectif commun d'atténuation.

Asia-Pacific trade and investment flows have burgeoned over recent decades, albeit impacted by China-US trade tensions and especially the COVID-19 pandemic (§1.02). International investment agreements have proliferated to liberalise and protect investments (§1.03), mostly adding the option of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). Asia-related ISDS cases have also started to grow, albeit somewhat belatedly (§1.04), complementing a more longstanding upward trend in international commercial arbitration (ICA) cases involving Asian parties filed in the region as well as the traditional Western centres (§1.05). The eastward shift in international dispute resolution has already involved initiatives to improve not just support for ICA and ISDS arbitrations, but also to develop alternatives such as international commercial courts and mediation. Core arguments from ensuing chapters (§1.06) cover the main existing venues for international dispute resolution in Asia (China, Hong Kong and Singapore) but also some emerging contenders (Japan, Malaysia, India and Australia). Overall (§1.07), can ICA venues improve their attractiveness through law reforms, case law development and other measures, despite growing concerns about costs and delays? Will some emerging concerns about ISDS prompt Asia-Pacific states to become more active 'rule makers' in international investment law? How might these issues be affected by the COVID-19 pandemic?

International audience ; Rare earth element extraction induces environmental damages and the balance problem. In this article, we show that recycling can challenge both problems in a two-period framework. We also find other results depending on the amount of scrap that can be recycled. If the recycling activity is not limited by available scrap, it does not change extraction in the first period. Environmental taxes on extracted quantities reduce extraction and favor recycling. But if the recycling is limited, the extractor reduces extraction in period one, adopting a foreclosure strategy, and environmental taxes can decrease recycling. In all cases, environmental taxes are never equal to the marginal damage from pollution, in order to take into account the recycling effect.

Can leaders shape identity and legitimize new political orders? I address this question by studying the role of Mustafa Kemal, the founder of modern Turkey, in spreading a new national identity. Using a generalized difference-in-differences design, which exploits time and geographic variation in Kemal's visits to cities, I test whether exposure to a charismatic leader affects citizens' take-up of the new Turkish identity. I find that people living in cities visited are more likely to embrace the common identity, as proxied by the adoption of first names in "Pure Turkish", the new language introduced by the state. I also show that Kemal was more efficient in making people use the new language, compared to Ismet Inonu, the Prime Minister and Kemal's second man, suggesting that he had an idiosyncratic effect. I find that the effect is mostly driven by cities where he met with local elites, rather than the mass, and are not driven by places that had a nationalist club during the Ottoman Empire. Overall, the findings are consistent with the Weberian view that charismatic authority can induce others to follow and legitimize new political orders.

International audience ; Rare earth element extraction induces environmental damages and the balance problem. In this article, we show that recycling can challenge both problems in a two-period framework. We also find other results depending on the amount of scrap that can be recycled. If the recycling activity is not limited by available scrap, it does not change extraction in the first period. Environmental taxes on extracted quantities reduce extraction and favor recycling. But if the recycling is limited, the extractor reduces extraction in period one, adopting a foreclosure strategy, and environmental taxes can decrease recycling. In all cases, environmental taxes are never equal to the marginal damage from pollution, in order to take into account the recycling effect.

National audience ; In the absence of a public safety net, wealthy Africans have the social obligation to share their re- sources with their needy relatives in the form of cash transfers and inefficient family hiring. We develop a model of entrepreneurial choice that accounts for this social redistributive constraint. We derive pre- dictions regarding employment choices, productivity, and profitability of firms ran by entrepreneurs of African versus non-African origin. Everything else equal, local firms are over-staffed and less productive than firms owned by nonlocals, which discourages local entrepreneurship. Using data from the manu- facturing sector, we illustrate the theory by structurally estimating the proportion of missing African entrepreneurs. Our estimates, which are suggestive due to the data limitation, vary between 8% and 12.6% of the formal sector workforce. Implications for the role of social protection are discussed.

International audience ; Rare earth element extraction induces environmental damages and the balance problem. In this article, we show that recycling can challenge both problems in a two-period framework. We also find other results depending on the amount of scrap that can be recycled. If the recycling activity is not limited by available scrap, it does not change extraction in the first period. Environmental taxes on extracted quantities reduce extraction and favor recycling. But if the recycling is limited, the extractor reduces extraction in period one, adopting a foreclosure strategy, and environmental taxes can decrease recycling. In all cases, environmental taxes are never equal to the marginal damage from pollution, in order to take into account the recycling effect.

Can leaders shape identity and legitimize new political orders? I address this question by studying the role of Mustafa Kemal, the founder of modern Turkey, in spreading a new national identity. Using a generalized difference-in-differences design, which exploits time and geographic variation in Kemal's visits to cities, I test whether exposure to a charismatic leader affects citizens' take-up of the new Turkish identity. I find that people living in cities visited are more likely to embrace the common identity, as proxied by the adoption of first names in "Pure Turkish", the new language introduced by the state. I also show that Kemal was more efficient in making people use the new language, compared to Ismet Inonu, the Prime Minister and Kemal's second man, suggesting that he had an idiosyncratic effect. I find that the effect is mostly driven by cities where he met with local elites, rather than the mass, and are not driven by places that had a nationalist club during the Ottoman Empire. Overall, the findings are consistent with the Weberian view that charismatic authority can induce others to follow and legitimize new political orders.

Can leaders shape identity and legitimize new political orders? I address this question by studying the role of Mustafa Kemal, the founder of modern Turkey, in spreading a new national identity. Using a generalized difference-in-differences design, which exploits time and geographic variation in Kemal's visits to cities, I test whether exposure to a charismatic leader affects citizens' take-up of the new Turkish identity. I find that people living in cities visited are more likely to embrace the common identity, as proxied by the adoption of first names in "Pure Turkish", the new language introduced by the state. I also show that Kemal was more efficient in making people use the new language, compared to Ismet Inonu, the Prime Minister and Kemal's second man, suggesting that he had an idiosyncratic effect. I find that the effect is mostly driven by cities where he met with local elites, rather than the mass, and are not driven by places that had a nationalist club during the Ottoman Empire. Overall, the findings are consistent with the Weberian view that charismatic authority can induce others to follow and legitimize new political orders.