This essay explores the development of the New England town meeting ideal in connection with matters of race and considers the place of that ideal in post-slavery America. In particular, the essay focuses on how the black abolitionists David Walker and Maria Stewart used the jeremiad to expand the deliberative rhetoric associated with the town meeting, and it considers Albion Tourgée's efforts to implement the town meeting system in the post-bellum South. The essay further considers the place of the lyceum system and the Chautauqua phenomenon, and it addresses how John Dewey's efforts to reinvent the town meeting for a much larger and more diverse nation bore fruit in media forums described as town meetings. Eventually, the town meeting was reinvented yet again as a national political venue that could be used to address persistent racial tensions. The essay closes with a discussion of how the American university could help close the gap between the town meeting-style forum as a place for discussion and the historical town meeting's value as a site of consequential decision-making.
Purpose: To analyse how effective was the USA, compared to Other Western Countries (OWC) in reducing premature deaths 1989-2015. Design: This population-based study is a cost-effective model of fiscal input into health related to clinical outputs, recognising socio-economic factors influence health outcomes. Using World Bank data for total % GDP-Expenditure-on-Health, and, WHO data for Child (0-4), Adult (55-74) and Age-Standardised-Death-Rates rates per million America is compared with OWC. Cost-Effective Ratios (CEF) are calculated and Confidence Intervals (95%) tests USA against each OWC. `Excess' deaths are calculated between the most and least expensive health systems. Setting: Twenty Other Western countries. Patients: National populations. Outcomes: USA highest current total %GDPEH 16.8% and highest average of 12.7% and UK lowest 7.1% over period. USA Child (0-4) highest at 1249pm, OWC averaged 803pm. Fourteen countries had significantly bigger reductions than America. USA Adult (55-74) mortality was highest at 12,554pm, OWC averaged 9,835pm. Fourteen countries had significantly bigger reductions than USA. Excess Deaths: America failed to match UK total mortality rates yielding 488,273 excess deaths, of which 12,613 were children. Cost-Effectiveness-Ratio: America had smallest CER 1:113, OWC averaged 1:270, an USA to OWC ratio of 1:239. UK CER was 1:323 producing a USA: UK ratio of 1:2.86. Conclusion: America's health system more expensive as Britain's and significantly less effective than most OWC. The USA needs to change its socio-economic political mind set' if it is to match the halfprice’NHSandmove→wardsanAmericansty≤" role="presentation" style="font-size: 119%; position: relative;"> h a l f p r i c e ' N H S and m o v e → w a r d s a n A m e r i c a n s t y ≤ halfprice'NHSandmove→wardsanAmericansty≤ half price' NHS and move towards an American style Neighbourhood National Health Service'. Keymessages: Implications for Policy makers: 1. policy makers in the USA need to re-think their present configuration and funding of their health services. 2. should confront the question, can any nation continue spend 17.1% GDP on health bearing in mind the challenges posed by longevity, yet still have the poorest clinical outcomes of the 21 Western nations. Whilst at the same time the richest nation on earth has the widest relative poverty in the West. 3. examine the findings of the USA `excess deaths', compared to the lowest- health funded country, the UK and challenge politicians to be less doctrinaire and react to the evidence. 4. recognising that the USA is a continent with incredible social variation, they need to think outside the box and reject isolationist stereotypical thinking, otherwise the inconsistencies in the USA will worsen and possibly destabilise. Implication for General Public: 1. Democracy works best when citizens are well informed. This research shows the American public that compared to the rest of the Western world, despite USA health expenditure being the most costliest in the world they have the highest rate of child (0-4) and adult (55-74) mortality amongst Western countries - thus the American health care system is both relatively inefficient and ineffective and such results points the need for change. 2. A system based upon the American tradition of `neighbourliness' could develop a reciprocal health care system which would ensure that the monies reach the patient at the point of need, and not be lost in the uneconomic profit-making insurance health model. 3. These evidenced-based recommendations could benefit the people of America significantly by reducing health costs, get a better return on money invested in health care, be more equitable, inclusive and contribute to a more cohesive society.
In the first half of the 20(th) century, the US was swept up in a multifaceted movement to enhance the genetic makeup of the country's population. This eugenics movement, based on flawed scientific principles promulgated by Galton in the UK and Davenport in the US included legally mandated compulsory sterilization in 27 states in the US and sharply restricted immigration from many parts of the world. Compulsory sterilization legislation was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1927. The American eugenics movement was a model for the compulsory sterilization implemented by the Nazis after they took power in Germany in 1933. The movement waned in America only following World War II when the US public became aware of the full extent of the Nazi Aryan racial superiority program. With the advent of major advances in molecular and cellular biology that are already being applied to clinical medicine in the 21(st) century, we have entered a new eugenics era. It is critical that we learn the lessons of our earlier eugenics movement if we are to avoid making the same flawed decisions now.
Fifteen years ago, in April 2004, CEPAL magazine reported on a research project co-funded by the German Technical Agency for International Cooperation (then GTZ), in which empirical evidence derived from the study of nearly 30 experiments as studies case study in seven Latin American countries, showed that the emergence of local economic development initiatives was not only explained by the progress of decentralization processes in the different countries of the region, but rather as a result of a more complex set of factors arising from the territories themselves. , with the mobilization and performance of local, public and private agents. This article recalls the teachings derived from that research, in the belief that they can continue to maintain interest. However, at the moment we need to add the themes of environmental sustainability that at that time were not yet part of the debates and that today should be addressed without further delay. Keywords: Local Economic Development. Territorial Development. Decentralization. Democracy. Latin America. ; Hace 15 años, la revista CEPAL, en su número de Abril de 2004, daba cuenta de un proyecto de investigación cofinanciado por la Agencia Técnica Alemana de Cooperación Internacional (entonces GTZ), en el cual la evidencia empírica derivada del estudio de casi 30 estudios de caso en siete países de América Latina, mostraba que la emergencia de iniciativas de desarrollo económico local no se explicaba únicamente por el avance de los procesos de descentralización en los diferentes países de la región, sino como resultado de un conjunto más complejo de factores surgidos desde los propios territorios, con la movilización y actuación de agentes locales, públicos y privados. En este artículo se recuerdan las enseñanzas derivadas de aquella investigación en terreno, en la convicción de que pueden seguir manteniendo interés. No obstante, en el momento actual es preciso añadir los temas de la sostenibilidad ambiental que en aquel momento no eran aún parte de los debates y que hoy deben abordarse sin más demora. Palabras Clave: Desarrollo Económico Local. Desarrollo Territorial. Descentralización. Democracia. América Latina. ; Há 15 anos, a revista CEPAL, em um número de abril de 2004, dava conta de um projeto de investigação cofinanciado pela Agência Técnica Alemã de Cooperação Internacional (então GTZ), na qual a evidência empírica derivada do estudo de quase 30 experiências como estudos de caso em sete países da América Latina, mostrava que a emergencia de iniciativas de desenvolvimento econômico local não se explicava unicamente pelo avanço dos processos de descentralização nos diferentes países da região, senão como resultado de um conjunto mais complexo de fatores surgidos desde os próprios territórios, com a mobilização e atuação de agentes locais, públicos e privados. Neste artigo se recordam os ensinamentos derivados daquela investigação realizada, na convicção de que possam seguir mantendo interesse. No obstante, no momento atual é preciso acrescentar os temas da sustentabilidade ambiental que naquele momento não eram ainda parte dos debates e que hoje devem ser abordados sem mais demora. Palavras-chave: Desenvolvimento Econômico Local. Desenvolvimento Territorial. Descentralização. Democracia. América Latina.
This article is focused on causes of perception and misperception between the European Union and United States of America in its policies toward Iran. Misperception caused derailing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) by the USA withdrawal from it. Tracing misperception and perception in policies and strategies to Iran should contribute for better understanding complicated and contradictory relations between the West and Iran. ; Celem artykułu jest wskazanie głównych przyczyn (błędnego) postrzegania w polityce USA i Unii Europejskiej wobec Iranu. Błędne postrzeganie intencji Iranu było jedną z głównych przyczyn wykolejenia porozumienia nuklearnego JCPOA było wycofanie się z niego USA. Analizowanie (błędnego) postrzegania ma istotny wpływ na formułowanie polityk i strategii wobec Iranu umożliwia głębsze spojrzenie w skomplikowane relacje pomiędzy Zachodem a Iranem.
Unidad de excelencia María de Maeztu MdM-2015-0552 ; Today, food security has a critical place in the government agendas of developing countries. In Latin American case, urban contexts have been subject to radical transformations in the last decades, most apparently through the expansion of social housing, which may limit or condition access to food for the neediest population. Nowadays, in Latin America, there are numerous cases of urban agriculture. Quito (Ecuador) stands out for the development of urban agriculture through the Participatory Urban Agriculture Project - AGRUPAR; initiative that has led to the implementation of orchards with organic production, raising of small animals, food processing and marketing of surpluses for food-nutrition security. Above all, it has transcended its urban and peri-urban intervention to rural areas, favoring the urban-rural connection. Also, worldwide the urban agriculture is developed in different forms, one of which is through crops protected by a greenhouse on the roofs: Rooftop greenhouse (RTG). This form of UA uses specific substrates for hydroponic crops and has modern irrigation systems often combined with rainwater harvesting and provides a unique opportunity to improve urban agriculture in Quito. The purpose of this study is to identify the implementation potential of rooftop greenhouses in social neighborhoods in Quito. Standard methods to assess the potential use of rooftop greenhouses were adapted to a social neighborhood. The guidelines follow three steps: Step 1: Characterization based on criteria; Step 2: Available surface determination and Step 3: Production, self-sufficiency and self-supply. "La Comuna Santa Clara de San Millán" was selected as study area. The results showed that 33.2% (7.70 ha) of the neighborhood rooftops had a short-term feasibility to install rooftop greenhouses, with the potential to produce 1,579,140 and 56,720 kg/year of tomato and lettuce respectively. The research has developed reliable guidelines that prove the feasibility to install rooftop greenhouses in similar large Latin-American cities area.
El presente escrito se propone elaborar una periodización de la transición histórico-espacial en Suramérica desde fines del siglo pasado hasta la actualidad. En términos metodológicos, esta propuesta de periodización se basa en un análisis de coyunturas críticas a nivel regional durante las cuales se produce una medición de fuerzas entre proyectos políticos estratégicos. A partir de la identificación de estas coyunturas, se definen cinco grandes momentos: 1) el quiebre de la hegemonía del proyecto financiero neoliberal y unipolar entre octubre de 1998 y abril de 2002; 2) la construcción de Alternativas: el desarrollo del eje Atlántico y el "No al ALCA" entre abril de 2002 y noviembre de 2005; 3) el avance estratégico del nacionalismo popular latinoamericano en una clave postneoliberal y de la continentalidad suramericana entre noviembre de 2005 y 2011; 4) la aparición de la Alianza Pacífico, el reinicio de la ofensiva unipolar, el estancamiento del regionalismo autónomo y el debilitamiento del nacionalismo popular entre abril de 2011 y octubre de 2015; 5) la embestida del proyecto financiero, neoliberal y unipolar y el reflujo de las fuerzas nacionales-populares en América Latina entre octubre de 2015 y junio de 2018. ; The aim of this paper is to elaborate a periodization of the historical-spatial transition in South America from the end of the last century to the present day. In methodological terms, this periodization proposal is based on an analysis of critical junctures at the regional level during which there is a measurement of forces among strategic political projects. The identification of these conjunctures allows us to define five significant moments: 1) the collapse of the neoliberal and unipolar financial project between October 1998 and April 2002; 2) the construction of alternatives: the development of the Atlantic Axis and the "No al ALCA" [No to ALCA] between April 2002 and November 2005; 3) the strategic advance of Latin American popular nationalism in a postneoliberal and South American continental key between November 2005 and 2011; 4) the emergence of the Pacific Alliance, the resumption of the unipolar offensive, the stagnation of autonomous regionalism and the weakening of popular nationalism between April 2011 and October 2015; 5) the onslaught of the financial, neoliberal and unipolar project and the reflux of nationalpopular forces in Latin America between October 2015 and June 2018. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación
AbstractThe concession on The New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (The New START) on April 8th 2010 in Praha denoted a new round in resetting the relationship between The United States of America and Russia. The New START treaty, which is officially named Measures for the Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, is a treaty enacted and backgrounded by the awareness of nuclear weapon danger, which eventually calls for weaponry control between The United States of America and Russia, particularly in the realm of strategic nuclear weapon. The very treaty constitutes the continuation of the former treaty regime, START I treaty and Moscow Treaty (SORT). As such, this treaty aims at two main similar objectives, pertinent to the reduction of strategic nuclear weapon (disarmament) and supervision as well as verification. The New START treaty is expected to be the successor of the former regime. This scientific paper delves into discussing the effectiveness of The New START treaty in supervising and reducing the ownership of strategic nuclear weapon. Data in the present study were obtained from literature study. Obtained data were then analyzed using effectiveness theory of international regime, proposed by Arild Underdal. The research finding corroborated the effectiveness of The New START treaty, as evinced by independent and dependent variables, which were both fulfilled and positive. The regime of The New START treaty can bring The United States of America and Russia together so as to bring down the ownership of strategic nuclear weapon and implement regulations concerning supervision and verification issues as stipulated in the treaty. It even can encourage the other Nuclear Weapon States (NWS) to reduce their armory, apply transparency, and empower NPT regime.Ke y w o r d s i n tern a ti ona l re g ime s t r a te g ic nu cle a r a r m o r y, d i s a r m a me n t, an d t r an sp a r e n c y
The article analyzes the influence of the United States of America on legal production for children in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The clash between socialism and capitalism, the Monroe Doctrine, Stanley Hall's developmental psychology, the dangerous child and adolescence, the child's salvation proposal, the Congresses and international events were some of the determinations that contributed to the implementation of the tutelary model based on the doctrine of the irregular situation in Latin America. To show how different factors converged to change the legal and social order, we analyzed this course in five countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Uruguay. ; El artículo realiza un análisis sobre la influencia de los Estados Unidos en la producción jurídica para el área de la infancia a finales del siglo XIX, a principios del siglo XX. El embate entre el socialismo y el capitalismo, la doctrina Monroe, la psicología del desarrollo de Stanley Hall, el niño y la adolescencia peligrosa, la propuesta de salvación de la infancia, los Congresos y eventos internacionales fueron algunas de las determinaciones que contribuyeron a la implantación del modelo tutelar pautado en la doctrina de la situación irregular en América Latina. Para evidenciar cómo diferentes factores convergieron para alterar el orden jurídico y social analizamos ese recorrido en cinco países, siendo ellos, Argentina, Brasil, Chile, México y Uruguay. ; O artigo realiza uma análise sobre a influência dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) na produção jurídica para a área da infância no final do século XIX, início do século XX. O embate entre o socialismo e o capitalismo, a doutrina Monroe, a psicologia desenvolvimentista de Stanley Hall, a criança e adolescência perigosa, a proposta de salvação da infância, os Congressos e eventos internacionais foram algumas das determinações que contribuíram para a implantação do modelo tutelar pautado na doutrina da situação irregular na América Latina. Para evidenciar como diferentes fatores convergiram para alterar a ordem jurídica e social analisamos esse percurso em cinco países, sendo eles, Argentina, Brasil, Chile, México e Uruguai.
This study investigates the constitutional protection of LGBTI rights in South America and Mexico. Under the theoretical framework of Nancy Fraser's postwestphalian democratic justice, it questions whether the constitutional protection of these rights in such countries is satisfactory in order to move forward towards the accomplishment of justice to LGBTI persons. The research conducts an empirical study and undertakes a qualitative analysis using the techniques of literature review, documental analysis, and survey. Among the results, it was determined that only two of the analysed constitutions expressly prohibits both sexual orientation – and gender identity-based discrimination. Only one of them uses gender-neutral language in the provision regarding civil union and, therefore, enables the union between two people of the same gender. Under another perspective, the answers of the majority of the Latin-American organizations in the survey indicated that the constitutional protection of LGBTI rights is unsatisfactory in their countries. Therefore, after the analysis of all the data obtained in the research, it was possible to conclude that the constitutional protection is precarious and does not guarantee the most basic rights to LGBTI population.
This paper offers a critical reflection on the appropriateness of 'settler colonialism' as an analytic category for understanding the political dynamics of early America. It argues that the paradigm's focus on the elimination of the native obscures the resilience of Indian power, and the mechanisms by which that power was exercised and defended. The paper positions settler colonialism in recent treatments of the history of colonial political thought, and then presents diplomacy as a site of both sovereign formation and negotiation that enhanced the power of colonies as much as it preserved the power of Indian confederations. The final section of the paper suggests that the 'interior' sovereignty of Native Americans continued to shape the powers of the new republican order of states.
Economic development requires a complex mix of markets, financial resources, and expertise. Business development in Latin America has followed a tradition of natural resource exploitation, representing a classic example of the "old economy" in today's global marketplace. However, in order to reap significant economic and social advancements it is imperative that this emerging region embrace a value-added approach requiring increasing knowledge resources. Today, the traditional drives of wealth creation—land, labor and capital—tend to be commodities. Ideas are the now the main currency driving development. One area where ideas flourish is entrepreneurship embedded in small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs). It is here where great promise for introducing innovation and boosting competitiveness lies. This paper, based on these notions, presents a development model that integrate—1) expertise from government agencies charged with enhancing international trade and investment (AITIs), 2) public institutions of higher education (PIHEs) charged with educating the next generation of globally competitive business leaders and 3) small to medium sized enterprises (SMEs) seeking real growth in the globalized business environment leading to a "win-win" situation for all. More specifically, the authors introduce one such model—VITAL (Vibrant International Trade Alliances), and—1) overview the realities of globalization that have created unprecedented SME opportunities for emerging markets, such as those in Latin America, 2) review the importance of entrepreneurship in moving SMEs to the next level of wealth creation, 3) present an example of the model currently utilized in a globally engaged U.S state (Virginia) that has fostered SME and entrepreneurial enterprises in global markets, 4) explains how the model can apply to Latin American nations and also to partnerships between Latin American nations and their U.S. counterparts, and 5) provides managerial, policy and future research implications related to this "boundary spanning" way of thinking.
AbstrakPenelitian ini memiliki tujuan untuk memaparkan mengenai Kewenangan Badan Legislatif Di Indonesia Dan Amerika Serikat. Ketentuan mengenai badan legislatif Indonesia dan Amerika Serikat diatur dalam peraturan perundang-undangan dan Konstitusi Amerika Serikat, dalam sistem Parlemen, legislatif adalah badan tertinggi dan menunjuk eksekutif. Dalam Sistem Presidensial, legislatif adalah cabang pemerintahan yang sama dan bebas dari eksekutif. Sedangkan di Amerika Serikat yang menganut sistem bikameral, badan perwakilan rakyatnya adalah Congress yang memiliki dua kamar yaitu Senate dan House of Representative. Kewenangan DPR RI sebagai badan legislatif adalah membentuk undang-undang yang dibahas dengan presiden untuk mendapat persetujuan bersama, membahas dan memberikan persetujuan terhadap peraturan pemerintah penganti undang-undang, memperhatikan pertimbangan DPD atas rancangan undang-undang anggaran pendapatan dan belanja Negara, menetapkan APBN bersama presiden dengan memerhatikan pertimbangan DPD.Kata Kunci: perbandingan, kewenangan, badan legislatif. AbstractThis study aims to describe the Authority of the Legislative System in Indonesia and the United States. Provisions regarding the legislative system of Indonesia and the United States are regulated in legislation and the United States Constitution, in the Parliamentary system, the legislative is the highest body and appoints executives. In a Presidential System, the legislative is the same branch of government and free from the executive. Whereas in the United States which adheres to the bicameral system, the representative system of its people is the Congress which has two rooms namely the Senate and the House of Representatives. The authority of the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia as a legislative system is to form laws discussed with the president for mutual agreement, discuss and give approval to government regulations to change the law, pay attention to the DPD's consideration of the draft state budget for revenue and ...
В статье рассмотрен комплекс вопросов влияния гражданского общества на формирование и деятельность Вооружённых сил государства. Основываясь на практических примерах, автор рассматривает специфику профессионализации армии в странах Латинской Америки, проводит параллели с Российской Федерацией. Важной общей чертой России и стран Латинской Америки автор считает гипертрофированное внимание общества к Вооружённым силам. В государствах Латинской Америки, на которые никто не собирается нападать, армия воспринимается как символ государственности, гарантия её суверенитета, её возвеличивают, офицерский корпус пользуется уважением. В Российской Федерации гражданское общество критически относится к росту расходов на оборону, ратует за полный переход на профессиональную армию. ; The article deals with the complex of issues of civil society influence on the formation and activity of the Armed Forces of the state. Based on practical examples, the author considers the specifics of the professionalization of the army in Latin America, draws Parallels with the Russian Federation. An important common feature of Russia and Latin America, the author believes hypertrophied public attention to the Armed Forces. In the Latin American States, which no one is going to attack, the army is perceived as a symbol of statehood, the value of the guarantee of its sovereignty, it is exalted, the officer corps is respected. In the Russian Federation, civil society is critical of the growth of defense spending, advocates a complete transition to a professional army.
Can there be democracy in America at work? The historical division between democracy in politics and hierarchy in the economy is under strain. Hierarchical interests in the economy are shifting their model of power into politics, and yet a commitment to revive the law is resurgent. Central examples are the proposed Accountable Capitalism Act, Reward Work Act, Workplace Democracy Acts, and Employees' Pension Security Acts. They would create a right for employees to elect 40% of directors on $1 billion company boards, a right for employees to elect one-third of directors on other listed company boards and require one-half employee representation on single-employer pension plans. All challenge long held myths: that labor's involvement in corporate governance is foreign to American tradition, that when codified in law, labor voice is economically inefficient; that the legitimate way to have voice in the economy is by buying stocks; or that labor voice faces insurmountable legal obstacles. This Article shows these myths are mistaken, by exploring the history and evidence from 1861. The United States has one of the world's strongest traditions of democracy at work. Economic democracy has not been more widespread primarily because it was suppressed by law. Americans favor voice at work, while asset managers who monopolize shareholder votes with "other people's money" enjoy no legitimacy at all. This Article concludes that, even without the federal government, and by recreating themselves as laboratories of democracy and enterprise, states can adapt the current proposals and rebuild a living law.
