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The purpose of this descriptive study was to assess preservice agriculture teachers' perceptions of the importance of Supervised Agricultural Experience (SAE) and their views on barriers to conducting SAE. A census of the sophomore-level agricultural education course at Oklahoma State University was conducted to measure perceptions at the beginning and end of the course. This study was framed upon Ajzen's Theory of Planned Behavior. Results indicated that preservice teachers perceived SAE was an important component of agricultural education and important at the secondary school they attended. The greatest barrier to conducting SAE was their lack of familiarity with newer SAE categories. This was true at both the beginning and end of the course. It is recommended that preservice teachers receive instruction on and experiences in all types of SAE. This would increase the likelihood of preservice teachers perceiving they have control over this barrier regarding SAE implementation. This cohort of preservice teachers should be surveyed over time to determine change in their perceptions of barriers to SAE implementation as they progress in the agricultural education program and through their careers. Further, the views of in-service teachers should also be assessed to determine if perceived barriers differ with professional experience.

AbstractDemocracies are more supportive of US positions on important votes in the UN General Assembly than of nondemocracies. Is this because democracies share common perspectives, or does this pattern reflect coercion? Since 1985, US law has stipulated that the US State Department identify important votes and that aid disbursements reflect voting decisions. To unravel these alternative explanations, we introduce a strategic statistical model that allows us to estimate voting preferences, vulnerability to influence, and credibility of linkage, which are theoretical quantities of interest that are not directly observable. The results reject the hypothesis of shared democratic values: poor democracies have voting preferences that are more oppositional to US positions than autocracies, and they are more willing than autocracies to take symbolic stands that may cost them foreign aid. Democracies support US positions, however, because US aid linkages are more credible when directed toward democratic countries. Splitting the sample into Cold War and post–Cold War segments, we find that the end of the Cold War changed the way US linkage strategies treated allies and left- and right-leaning governments, but the effects of democracy remained constant.

Research concerning the etiology and prevention of substance misuse has led to the development of preventive interventions that are theory‐based and effective. One such approach, Life Skills Training (LST), targets key etiologic factors using a conceptual framework derived from social learning theory and problem behavior theory. LST has been extensively tested in a series of randomized trials and found effective in preventing the use/misuse of alcohol, tobacco, marijuana, and other psychoactive drugs. Research demonstrates that it is effective when implemented under different delivery conditions, by different program providers, with different age groups, and with different populations. Follow‐up studies provide evidence of the long‐term effectiveness of LST. Independent economic analysis indicates that LST produces cost savings of as much as $38 for every dollar invested. Finally, LST offers the potential of reducing other health risk behaviors and fostering academic success.

The relationship between political participation and political attitudes is at the heart of any discussion about fostering democratic engagement. However, many authors simply presume that political attitudes reinforce political behaviour. Using a three-wave panel data set with more than 3,000 adolescents, we show that political attitudes do not necessarily precede behaviour. On the contrary, focusing on the relationships between five political attitudes and two variants of political participation, our findings indicate that it is much more likely that political participation strengthens political attitudes than that attitudes trigger participation. This does not mean that attitudes are irrelevant for behaviour, but the reverse impact is much stronger. More specifically, we find that the effects of being politically engaged on political interest, efficacy, confidence and norms of citizenship are clearly stronger than the effects of these attitudes on participation.

After intergroup injustices, perpetrator groups may seek to restore intergroup relations by offering an apology. Through quantitative empirical tests some scholars have examined whether these apologies promote forgiveness and reconciliation. This work has found inconsistent relations between apology and forgiveness. We proposed and tested other variables as relevant outcomes of intergroup apology as well, namely perceived remorsefulness, faith in societal norms of justice, and trust. We also tested how the elaborateness of an apology changed its effectiveness. The study (N = 145) presented excerpts of President Clinton's apology for the Tuskegee Syphilis Study to African-Americans, varying the apology elaborateness. We examined whether apologies of varying elaborateness affect forgiveness (to be consistent with past research), perceptions that the response was remorseful, beliefs that norms of just behavior would be upheld, and trust in the perpetrator group. All apologies, but particularly more elaborate apologies, resulted in higher perceptions of remorsefulness and justice norms, but not trust or forgiveness. The results imply that apologies may have many benefits with perceptions of remorsefulness and justice norms being amongst them.

After intergroup injustices, perpetrator groups may seek to restore intergroup relations by offering an apology. Through quantitative empirical tests some scholars have examined whether these apologies promote forgiveness and reconciliation. This work has found inconsistent relations between apology and forgiveness. We proposed and tested other variables as relevant outcomes of intergroup apology as well, namely perceived remorsefulness, faith in societal norms of justice, and trust. We also tested how the elaborateness of an apology changed its effectiveness. The study (N = 145) presented excerpts of President Clinton's apology for the Tuskegee Syphilis Study to African-Americans, varying the apology elaborateness. We examined whether apologies of varying elaborateness affect forgiveness (to be consistent with past research), perceptions that the response was remorseful, beliefs that norms of just behavior would be upheld, and trust in the perpetrator group. All apologies, but particularly more elaborate apologies, resulted in higher perceptions of remorsefulness and justice norms, but not trust or forgiveness. The results imply that apologies may have many benefits with perceptions of remorsefulness and justice norms being amongst them. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

This work argues that, in a polarized environment, scientists can minimize the likelihood that the audience's biased processing will lead to rejection of their message if they not only eschew advocacy but also, convey that they are sharers of knowledge faithful to science's way of knowing and respectful of the audience's intelligence; the sources on which they rely are well-regarded by both conservatives and liberals; and the message explains how the scientist arrived at the offered conclusion, is conveyed in a visual form that involves the audience in drawing its own conclusions, and capsulizes key inferences in an illustrative analogy. A pilot experiment raises the possibility that such a leveraging–involving–visualizing–analogizing message structure can increase acceptance of the scientific claims about the downward cross-decade trend in Arctic sea ice extent and elicit inferences consistent with the scientific consensus on climate change among conservatives exposed to misleadingly selective data in a partisan news source.

The relationship between political participation and political attitudes is at the heart of any discussion about fostering democratic engagement. However, many authors simply presume that political attitudes reinforce political behaviour. Using a three-wave panel data set with more than 3,000 adolescents, we show that political attitudes do not necessarily precede behaviour. On the contrary, focusing on the relationships between five political attitudes and two variants of political participation, our findings indicate that it is much more likely that political participation strengthens political attitudes than that attitudes trigger participation. This does not mean that attitudes are irrelevant for behaviour, but the reverse impact is much stronger. More specifically, we find that the effects of being politically engaged on political interest, efficacy, confidence and norms of citizenship are clearly stronger than the effects of these attitudes on participation. Adapted from the source document.