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When voters evaluate their executive's policies, they often possess information that was previously unknownto policy makers. Should voters use such ex post information? The author presents a model of executive evaluation following an international crisis. Using ex post information can be welfare enhancing for the voter when contrasted with naive retrospection, in which voters compare pre- and postconflict utility. However, the welfare implications of using ex post information are not clear-cut when contrasted to sophisticated retrospective voting. While the latter voting rule leads to situations in which an executive is overly aggressive in crises, using ex post information can induce executive behavior that is insufficiently aggressive. Voters must balance the relative desirability of unwanted wars against unwanted passivity when deciding how to evaluate leaders. In opening up the black box of domestic politics, assumptions about voter behavior can affect substantive and normative findings.

In this Top Twenty Commentaries section of the Centennial Issues of the journal, the author reviews the highly cited article A Method for Evaluating the Distribution of Power in a Committee System(1954) by L. S. Shapley & Martin Shubik. A definition of the Shapley-Shubik power index delineates the measure as a use of simple games in von Neumann & Morgenstern's cooperative game theory by hypothesizing the ex ante likelihood that an individual will be pivotal in transforming a nonwinning coalition into a winning one, despite that fact that the term "power" is acknowledged to never have been resolved in the political science disciplines. The two authors goal of pinning down the operating characteristics of a decision-making mechanism, & their nonobvious conclusions about power are delineated. The article is concluded to constitute an effort to bring rigor to the ambiguous subject of power, & is one of the earliest exemplars of formal political theory in the modern scholarly landscape. References. J. Harwell

AbstractThe equation of residents with nationals as recently envisaged under the European Arrest Warrant is – at least on paper – no novelty in international extradition. In addition, its predicted positive influence on the chances of rehabilitation of offenders provides strong moral-theoretical support for further modernizing the nonextradition of nationals in this manner. Yet, before this solution can be followed – explicitly or by implication – in other contexts, it must be considered whether international law permits states to expand the nationality exception commonly provided for in extradition treaties in this manner.The author assumes this task. She first reviews international precedents in search of a rule of customary international law on the extension of this exemption to residents. Subsequently, she identifies the norms of international law against which the limits of such a new rule must be set. She concludes with suggestions for appropriate ways to modernize the nationality exception along the lines of the rehabilitation argument.

International audience ; Women's participation in economic, social and political activities in Russia started to increase at the end of the 19th century: many women kept campaigning for social and political change, for emancipation in both private and public life. Furthermore, after WW2, the Soviet Union was characterized by a high rate of female economic activity and widespread participation of women in the education system. It is the aim of the article to explain what changes were brought to women in the USSR. The author questions whether it transformed their status in society, whether it affected the relations between genders, and concludes that, although the Bolshevik Party did draft a very progressive legislation in this field, there were no structural changes in the tasks division between men and women neither in the private nor in the public sphere. If a wider access to work granted the soviet women a relative economic independence, the image of the "working mother" was broadly dominant.

AbstractThe article examines security issues of the Transcaucasian region with the focus on nonmilitary and trans-border security threats and a regional security community that also includes non-state security actors of the region, such as not-recognised autonomous entities, nations, ethnic groups, minorities, etc.This approach to regional security shifts the focus of policies from balance of power to closer regional integration and cooperation, as well as joint provision of regional security. Despite many objectives and existing obstacles to this scenario of regional development, the author sees it to be the only way toward a stable and long-term security in the region. The article argues that closer regional cooperation and integration would allow to accommodate interests and security concerns of non-state actors of the region and would bring the fate of regional issues back in the hands of the regional powers and create bases for sustainable and lasting peace in the region.

AbstractFollowing the Seljuk invasion of the 11th century, the Armenians and Iranians found themselves under one rule, and the ancient historical and cultural ties between these two neighbouring nations became once again close and versatile. The similarity of their historical destinies appears to be more evident in the 13th-14th centuries, when Armenia and Iran were incorporated in the Mongol Empire.Among the Sāhīb Dīvāns, the highest ranking officials in the hierarchical system of the Īl-khānid state, a special place belongs to Šams ad-dīn Muhammad Juvainī, famous for his civilised personality and attainments. The present article tries to elucidate those details of the biography of Javainī, which concern Armenia and Armenian-Iranian relations of his time. Along with the Armenian and Persian sources, the author has made extensive use of the data obtained from the Georgian chronicles, which considerably improve the picture of the historical reality.

International audience Women's participation in economic, social and political activities in Russia started to increase at the end of the 19th century: many women kept campaigning for social and political change, for emancipation in both private and public life. Furthermore, after WW2, the Soviet Union was characterized by a high rate of female economic activity and widespread participation of women in the education system. It is the aim of the article to explain what changes were brought to women in the USSR. The author questions whether it transformed their status in society, whether it affected the relations between genders, and concludes that, although the Bolshevik Party did draft a very progressive legislation in this field, there were no structural changes in the tasks division between men and women neither in the private nor in the public sphere. If a wider access to work granted the soviet women a relative economic independence, the image of the "working mother" was broadly dominant.

The main aim of this article is to present some of the articles of the European Union Charter of Fundamental Rights (the Charter), and observe the presumptive influence of these articles' The first part of this paper observes the principles of good administration, which are declared in the 41 article of the Charter. The author presents the implementation of these principles in provisions of the Lithuanian Law on Public Administration. The part two observes the rights of the elderly protected by the Article 25 of the Charter provisions, and the situation of the elderly persons in Lithuania after the Lithuanian Constitutional Court decision. Part three observes the Law amending the Law of the Republic of Lithuania on Defence of Consumer Rights and this amendment positive aspect. This part of the article is related to the Article 38 of the Charter, which guarantees the high level of consumer protection.

This introduction sets the stage for discussion of two papers that make different arguments for the abolition of civil marriage: Edward A. Zelinsky, Deregulating Marriage: The Pro-Marriage Case for Abolishing Civil Marriage, 27 Cardozo L. Rev. 1161-1220 (2006), and Daniel A. Crane, A "Judeo-Christian" Argument for Privatizing Marriage, id. at 1221-1259. While the institution of marriage has undergone substantial changes over the last one hundred years in terms of who may marry, the benefits and duties of marriage, the rules for dissolving marriage, and the social assumptions relating to marriage, its adaptability and elasticity has been demonstrated by the fact that it has survived. The author posits that at this current revolutionary moment in family law, in which a legal and political battle has emerged around same-sex relationship recognition, it is not surprising for scholars to ask deep and foundational questions about marriage and the state's role in it.

This paper summarizes empirical findings and results from the author's most recent research publication in Chinese: China's Unbalanced Economic Growth. It studies China's economic growth with a special emphasis on its regional disparities. It provides an analysis of China's overall economic landscape as well as an empirical study of China's unbalanced regional development. Based on its quantitative findings and results, the author predicts the emergence of ten Chinese metropolitan economies in the early twenty-first century and recommends a regional development strategy as well as implementation policies for China's future development. The major empirical findings, results and conclusions of this research are outlined in three sections: the first describes China's economic future - the emergence of ten regional metropolitan economies, the second reports the empirical findings of China's national and regional economic disparities and discusses policy implications, and the third investigates China's future economic growth and discusses its growth limitations. (J Contemp China/DÜI)