Auf dem Wege der Vergleichsgruppenuntersuchung unter "Normal- und Problemjugendlichen" in der DDR versucht die Studie herauszufinden, "in welcher Ausprägung das sozialistische Recht und die Rechtsordnung zur Wertorientierung der Jugendlichen gehören". Es geht dabei vor allem um den Zusammenhang von Gefährdungs- und Lebenssituation. Bei den "Problemjugendlichen" handelt es sich u.a. um gefährdete Lehrlinge und jugendliche Strafgefangene. Insgesamt wurden 1970 Jugendliche im Alter von 15 bis 19 Jahren befragt und 16 Falldarstellungen über gefährdete Lehrlinge angefertigt. Untersucht wurden u.a. die Elternbeziehungen und Arbeitsbeziehungen der Jugendlichen, deren Alkoholerfahrungen und Trinkverhalten, die Mediennutzung sowie die persönlichen Besitzverhältnisse. Spezielle Untersuchungen widmeten sich dem Antwortverhalten bei fiktiven Fällen sowie Beobachtungen und Erfahrungen im Bereich des Gefährdungsverhaltens. (psz)
This article deals with the emergence of social sciences in Spain at the end of the nineteenth century. It focuses on the Royal Academy of moral and political sciences, whose creation in 1857, on the French model, was part of the reorganisation of public education, but also an ideological reaction of the conservative party (partido moderado), which returned to power after the 1854-1956 Revolution. The Academy was officially in charge of propagating the political doctrines of the regime (namely "doctrinaire" liberalism) and of countering socialism at the scientific level. This paper shows the methodological relevance of studying such a multidisciplinary institution in order to grasp simultaneously the pluralistic scientific matrix of the social sciences as well as the political issues that surround them. It analyses the content and the evolution of moral and political sciences between 1857 and 1923 and highlights the multiple factors that played an active role in the emergence of the social sciences: the legacy of former scholarly disciplines, the impact of the propagation of naturalistic theories during the liberal revolution of 1868, and the critique of liberalism and liberal sciences following the social and political crisis from the 1880s onwards. ; Este artículo examina la cuestión de la institución de las ciencias sociales en España al final del siglo XIX. Lo hace a través del estudio de la Real Academia de ciencias morales y políticas, creada en 1857 según un modelo francés, instrumento de la reforma liberal de la Intrucción pública y de la reacción ideológica del partido moderado despues de la révolution de 1854-1856. La función oficial de la Academia era la difusión de la doctrina política del régimen (el liberalismo doctrinario) y la refutación científica del socialismo. Intentamos demostrar el intérés metodológico de su estudio para conocer las raices disciplinares multiples de las ciencias sociales y los debates políticos que determinaron su institucionalización. La evolución de las ciencias morales y politicas entre 1857 y 1923 permite entender los elementos que participaron a la formación de las ciencias sociales : el legado de las disciplinas que les precedieron, el impacto de la difusión de las teorías naturalistas (evolucionismo) durante la Revolución de 1868, y la crítica del liberalismo y de las ciencias liberales, enfrentadas a la « cuestión social » a partir de los años 1880.This article deals with the emergence of social sciences in Spain at the end of the nineteenth century. It focuses on the Royal Academy of moral and political sciences, whose creation in 1857, on the French model, was part of the reorganisation of public education, but also an ideological reaction of the conservative party (partido moderado), which returned to power after the 1854-1956 Revolution. The Academy was officially in charge of propagating the political doctrines of the regime (namely "doctrinaire" liberalism) and of countering socialism at the scientific level. This paper shows the methodological relevance of studying such a multidisciplinary institution in order to grasp simultaneously the pluralistic scientific matrix of the social sciences as well as the political issues that surround them. It analyses the content and the evolution of moral and political sciences between 1857 and 1923 and highlights the multiple factors that played an active role in the emergence of the social sciences: the legacy of former scholarly disciplines, the impact of the propagation of naturalistic theories during the liberal revolution of 1868, and the critique of liberalism and liberal sciences following the social and political crisis from the 1880s onwards.
These new essays prepared to commemorate the centennial of the National Institute of Social Sciences have been carefully crafted to deal with an overriding concern of our time--those elements in political rule that go beyond legal rights and responsibilities into the moral requirements of effective governance. The principal theme of this book is presidential leadership. The presidency personifies government authority, including moral authority.In the first part of this book most of the essays argue that the moral authority of leaders depends on high personal standards as well as policy outcomes. The second segment on the rule of law and character raises considerations not limited to the presidency. Character and the authority that derives from it are demonstrated most effectively not by what someone does in his or her personal life, but in the moral values of the causes espoused and effectiveness in pursuing them. In the realm of international affairs, governmental leadership must wrestle with the moral and constitutional guidelines known as "reasons of state." Under what circumstances is it morally acceptable for a leader or government to practice deception upon the citizenry, to overthrow other governments, to bomb civilians?Many contributors raise the issue of what permits a government to take actions that would be immoral or illegal in individuals or groups. The final segment expands and deepens this theme by exploring the work and role of non-governmental agencies that influence both leaders and citizens in the public arena. In short, at a period that brings to a close a period in which the presidency has become more visible as well as more prominent, this collective effort sheds new light on classic themes. It will be an invaluable guide as we enter the new century.The contributors include an illustrious galaxy of public officials and political scientists, including Madeleine K. Albright, Judith A. Best, Betty Glad, C. Lowell Harriss, Travis Beal Jacobs, Ruth P. Morgan, Stanley A. Renshon, Donald L. Robinson and William vanden Heuvel.
In the United States, community coalitions are an important part of the public health milieu, and thus, subject to many of the same external pressures as other organizations—including changes in required strategic orientation. Many funding agencies have shifted their funding agenda from program development to policy change. Thus, the Florida Prevention Research Center created the Community-Based Prevention Marketing (CBPM) for Policy Development framework to teach community coalitions how to apply social marketing to policy change. The research reported here was designed to explicate the framework's theory of change. We describe and demonstrate a hybrid evaluation approach: utilization-focused developmental evaluation. The research question was "What are the linkages and connections among CBPM inputs, activities, immediate outcomes, intermediate outcomes, and ultimate impacts?" We implemented a case study design, with the case being a normative community coalition. The study adhered to a well-developed series of steps for system dynamics modeling. Community coalition leaders may expect CBPM to provide immediate gains in coalition performance. Results from causal diagramming show how gains in performance are delayed and follow an initial decline in performance. We discuss the practical implications for CBPM's developers—for example, importance of managing coalition expectations—and other social marketers—for example, expansion of the evaluation toolkit.
