Suchergebnisse

Notes the restraint on the freedom of local authorities through detailed statutory regulation, financial control, political accountability and institutional change. Considers reasons for these trends and implications for the future role of the law in empowering and controlling the state. (PAS)

The activities of feminist and other women's organizations at the 1988 Democratic convention were driven by an over-riding desire to elect a Democratic administration in November. There was universal agreement that the Reagan years have been disastrous for women, and that four more years of Republican rule will, at the very least, result in a Supreme Court that will limit women's options for decades to come.This goal more than anything else explains the relative quiescence of the 15 organizations' that formed Women's Central and held the usual women's caucus every day of the convention. Indeed when Ellie Smeal and Molly Yard, past and current Presidents of NOW, expressed some mild disaffection with the amount of attention feminist issues and representatives received from the Dukakis campaign, it was quickly countered with a press conference by heads of six Women's Central organizations to extol the fact that women were now insiders. And Kate Michelman, executive director of NARAL, lauded Vice-Presidential candidate Lloyd Bentsen's voting record on abortion even though he opposes federal funding.The sense of unity and common purpose these women expressed was not artificial, because, to a greater extent than ever thought possible, when contemporary feminists first made demands at the 1972 convention, women were insiders. The Dukakis campaign emphasized that women held a large number of the top positions—including campaign manager Susan Estrich. Texas Treasurer Ann Richards, a member of the NWPC, was a bit hit as the keynote speaker.