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Social networks are intended to enhance interpersonal communication. Yet, de facto, they transform traditional "eye-to-eye" communication into something entirely new. Its actual qualities and parameters should be studied from a new perspective. The eye-to-eye conversation implies a number of aspects discussed in phenomenology and interdisciplinary studies of non-verbal communication. Much has been written on such communication by Husserl, Heidegger, Buber, Merleau-Ponty, Podoroga and others. Social value obtained by the participant in social networking is simulative and the meaning of verbal expression does not correspond to the field of signifiers by means of verification. Social networks deconstruct the very status of Logos and offer the new rules of communication.

Gesellschaften unterliegen einem Wandel. Zu diesem Wandel gehört die zunehmende Verbreitung von Medien im Alltag. Soziale Ungleichheit ist eines der wichtigsten Themen der Soziologie. Beides zusammen betrachtet dieser Band: Thematisiert wird die Entstehung von Ungleichheit bei der Produktion von Medien, bei deren Anwendung und Konsum, bei den Medieninhalten und nicht zuletzt auch in den Medien selbst, wie dies etwa beim Internet der Fall ist. Im Band werden theoretische Zugänge und Fallstudien vorgestellt und damit der Stand der Forschung in diesem Bereich erschlossen.

La tesi si è consolidata nell'analisi dell'impatto dei social networks nella costruzione dello spazio pubblico, nella sfera di osservazione che è la rete e il web2.0. Osservando che il paradigma della società civile si sia modificato. Ridefinendo immagini e immaginari e forme di autorappresentazione sui new media (Castells, 2010). Nel presupposto che lo spazio pubblico "non è mai una realtà precostituita" (Innerarity, 2008) ma si muove all'interno di reti che generano e garantiscono socievolezza. Nell'obiettivo di capire cosa è spazio pubblico. Civic engagement che si rafforza in spazi simbolici (Sassen, 2008), nodi d'incontro significativi. Ivi cittadini-consumatori avanzano corresponsabilmente le proprie istanze per la debacle nei governi. Cultura partecipativa che prende mossa da un nuovo senso civico mediato che si esprime nelle "virtù" del consumo critico. Portando la politica sul mercato. Cultura civica autoattualizzata alla ricerca di soluzioni alle crisi degli ultimi anni. Potere di una comunicazione che riduce il mondo ad un "villaggio globale" e mettono in relazione i pubblici connessi in spazi e tempi differenti, dando origine ad azioni collettive come nel caso degli Indignados, di Occupy Wall Street o di Rai per una notte. Emerge un (ri)pensare la citizenship secondo due paradigmi (Bennett,2008): l'uno orientato al governo attraverso i partiti, modello "Dutiful Citizenship"; l'altro, modello "Self Actualizing Citizenship" per cui i pubblici attivi seguono news ed eventi, percepiscono un minor obbligo nel governo, il voto è meno significativo per (s)fiducia nei media e nei politici. Mercato e società civile si muovono per il bene comune e una nuova "felicità". La partecipazione si costituisce in consumerismo politico all'interno di reti in cui si sviluppano azioni individuali attraverso il social networking e scelte di consumo responsabile. Partendo dall'etnografia digitale, si è definito il modello "4 C": Conoscenza > Coadesione > Co-partecipazione > Corresposabilità (azioni collettive) > Cultura-bility. ; The thesis has been consolidated in the analysis of the impact of social networks in the construction of public space, in the sphere of observation represented from networking and web2.0. Noting that the paradigm of civil society has changed. Redefining images and imaginary and forms of self-representation on the new media (Castells, 2010). On the assumption that public space "is never a preconceived reality" (Innerarity, 2008) but moves within networks that generate and provide sociability At the aim to understand what is public space (between online and offline) Civic engagement that gets increased in symbolic spaces (Sassen, 2008), significant meeting nodes. Thus citizens-consumers co-responsibly advance their issues for the debacle in governments. Participatory culture that gets moved by a new civic engagement mediated expressed in the "virtues" of critical consumption. Bringing the policy on the market. Self actualized civic culture searching solutions to the crisis of recent years. Power of a communication that reduces the world to a "global village", linking "connected publics" in different spaces and times, giving rise to collective actions as the Indignados movement, Occupy Wall Street or, in Italy, "Rai per una notte". Emerge a (re)thinking citizenship according to two paradigms (Bennett, 2008): one oriented to the government through parties, "dutiful Citizenship" model; the other, "Self Actualizing Citizenship" model, for which the active publics followed news and events, perceive a lower requirement in the government, the vote is less significant because of (not)trust in the media and politicians. Market and civil society moved togheter for the common good and a new "happiness". Participation gets constituted as political consumerism into networks in which individual actions are developed through social networking and responsible consumer choices. Starting with digital ethnography, we define the model "C 4" Knowledge> Co-support> Co-participation> Co-resposability (collective action)> Culture-ability.

The purpose of this article is to reflect on what freedom of speech in the web is. In the age of universal freedom of access to the Internet, controversy is growing between supporters of full freedom and supporters of legal restrictions on the use of global Internet resources. Should the Internet be the space of unlimited freedom? Surprisingly enough, the answer to this question is not obvious, although intuitively one would like to answer in the affirmative. By definition, the Internet is an egalitarian tool of communication, a space for free creation and flow of content, for which the only limit is technology and human imagination, whose boundaries cannot be determined. The global network is a field completely unregulated and not bound by any rules. This situation is slowly changing and legislators and courts are beginning to set the boundaries of online proceedings. People posting content on the Internet must do so with precaution so as not to violate the limits of freedom of speech, especially in the field of broadly understood public security, crime, morality, public order, other people's personal rights, and confidential information.

The article outlines the relationship between the political process and the development of "new" mass media which mainly means social networks. Electronic media, including social networks, pose a challenge to the current state of international relations. In this regard, a number of states (Belorussia, Russia, Great Britain) and supranational structures (European Commission, UN) are developing a digital legislation envisaging control over the online space. In addition to the negative aspects, the development of "new" media helps political forces in their activities. Many European politicians and political parties actively use Internet resources and micro-targeting to attract voters. The challenge for governments and researchers in this field is to understand the pros and cons of the new digital era and to develop a plan for integrating new technologies into the familiar political process. It is concluded that the European Union and other states are at the stage of development and entry into force of uniform rules regulating the Internet. The trend towards the formation of a single legal field is combined with legislative regulation at the national level, since this area affects issues of security and sovereignty.

AbstractOnline platforms provide a technological infrastructure allowing social actors to enact and utilize networks with a global reach. They play important roles as intermediaries and algorithm‐based curators of social interaction. This paper addresses two knowledge gaps: First, while a growing number of empirical studies has deepened our insights into the social dynamics characterizing single platforms, little is known about the multiple ways in which users or user groups combine diverse online offers according to their preferences. Second, the empirical focus has mainly been on online interaction. However, in everyday practices, the online is always situated in offline practices. It is thus necessary to understand the complex interdependencies of online and offline spheres. This paper therefore aims to develop an ecological heuristic that positions the user(s) and their practices center stage in the analysis and to elucidate the on/offline opportunity spaces and the affordances and constraints they provide for user agency.

This paper analyses social interactions between detailed occupational positions as a means of exploring social and occupational inequalities. Two methods are employed: descriptive techniques of social network analysis, and a well-established modelling approach (the 'CAMSIS' method of 'Social Interaction Distance' analysis). New results on occupational connections are presented for four countries - the United States, Romania, the Philippines and Venezuela – illustrative of a range of socio-economic regimes. Our analyses use detailed occupational measures based upon census data from 2000 to 2002, and we also use data on educational attainment, cross-classified by occupational positions. A broad, singular dimension of social stratification is shown to be the principal element of the structure of social interactions between occupations, but the methods also reveal the social role of various boundaries in occupational interaction patterns (defined by work location, education, and gender). We argue that such distinctions imply that occupational data at a disaggregated level can provide a more thorough understanding of social structure than is observable using amalgamated occupational schemes.

This dissertation studies the outcome of social and economic interactions when agents have the possibility to establish bilateral or multilateral partnerships. Partnerships are critical to the scientific collaboration, R&D activities developed by firms, trade patterns, and to the dissemination of information about jobs, political opinions, new products and technologies. Chapter 1 identifies necessary and sufficient conditions on the primitives of the game so that farsighted agents -agents able to forecast how other agents would react to their choice of partners- form efficient networks. It shows that under those conditions, pairwise farsighted stability refines pairwise stability by eliminating the inefficient pairwise stable networks. In chapter 2, we provide an algorithm that characterizes the unique pairwise farsightedly stable set of networks when the value is allocated equally among the players of a component. It is shown that (i) if groupwise deviations are allowed then whether players are farsighted or myopic does not matter; (ii) if players are farsighted then whether players are allowed to deviate in pairs only or in groups does not matter. Chapter 3 analyzes the formation of risk-sharing networks among farsighted agents in rural areas of developing countries. We provide a theoretical explanation of the observation that risk-sharing takes place among agents having common characteristics (neighborhood, professional or religious affiliation, kinship, etc.). In chapter 4, we propose a new solution concept, the strong curb set, to analyze stability in non-cooperative games when groups of agents may coordinate their moves. We relate our concept with the standard notions of stability. It is shown that there is a class of dynamic learning processes such that at the limit, if memory is long enough, play settles down in a strong curb set. ; Nous étudions dans cette thèse le résultat d'interactions sociales et économiques lorsque les agents ont la possibilité d'établir des partenariats bilatéraux ou multilatéraux. De tels partenariats jouent un rôle important pour comprendre les collaborations scientifiques, la diffusion d'informations à propos d'emplois, d'opinions politiques, de nouveaux produits et nouvelles technologies. Ils influencent les activités de recherche et développement des entreprises, les flux commerciaux entre les pays et les alliances politiques. Le chapitre 1 identifie les conditions nécessaires et suffisantes sur les primitives du jeu qui garantissent que les réseaux formés parmi des agents prévoyants –des agents qui sont capables de prédire comment d'autres agents réagiraient à leurs choix de partenariat– sont efficaces. Il est montré que sous ces conditions, la stabilité par paires lorsque les agents sont prévoyants affine la stabilité par paires en éliminant les réseaux inefficaces qui sont stables par paires. Dans le chapitre 2, nous proposons un algorithme qui caractérise l'ensemble unique des réseaux stables par paires lorsque les agents sont prévoyants et que les bénéfices générés par le partenariat sont redistribué également entre les membres d'un composant du réseau. Il est montré que (i) si les agents ont la possibilité de dévier en groupe, ils forment les mêmes réseaux qu'ils soient prévoyant ou myope ; (ii) si les joueurs sont prévoyants, ils forment les mêmes réseaux qu'ils aient la possibilité de dévier par paires ou en plus grands groupes. Le chapitre 3 analyse la formation de réseaux d'assurance informels parmi des joueurs prévoyants dans les régions rurales des pays en voie de développement. Nous fournissons une explication théorique de l'observation selon laquelle l'assurance a lieu entre des agents qui partagent des caractéristiques communes, telles que la proximité géographique, une affiliation religieuse ou professionnelle, ou des liens de parentés. Dans le chapitre 4, nous proposons un nouveau concept de solution pour analyser la stabilité dans les jeux non-coopératifs lorsque des groupes de joueurs peuvent coordonner leurs décisions. Nous comparons notre concept avec d'autres notions classiques de stabilité. Il est montré qu'il existe une classe de jeux dynamiques d'apprentissage telle que, à long terme, les agents utilisent exclusivement des stratégies qui appartiennent à un ensemble de stratégies stables au sens ou nous le définissons. ; (ECON 3) -- UCL, 2010