Suchergebnisse

This survey of public opinion offers little hope of a speedy resolution to the conflict between the federal government and the government of Quebec by reference to a wider public debate than is provided for in the existing electoral machinery. In Quebec, the program of the Parti Quebecois is supported by about one‐third of the population. However, the very great majority of Quebecers wants recognition of the special status of French in their province, in line with the recent language legislation of the pq government. French Quebecers also strongly support the extension of bilingual opportunities in education and government in the rest of Canada, policies which are presently beyond the jurisdiction of the federal government and which provincial governments are not yet prepared to enact.A clear majority of Canadians outside Quebec opposes provisions for the special status of French within Quebec as the language of work and of schooling for non‐English‐speaking immigrants, and only a small majority supports the extension of educational and governmental facilities in French outside Quebec.Differences in public opinion are equally pronounced with respect to the issues of concessions and economic agreement. The great majority of Quebecers favours an economic agreement with the rest of Canada if the province becomes independent. Outside Quebec only a bare majority of Canadians supports any concessions to Quebec to prevent separation, and a large proportion of them draws the line at "minor" concessions. Similarly, only a slight majority of Canadians outside of Quebec is prepared to approve of the negotiation of an economic agreement should a majority of Quebecers vote for independence, and it seems likely that a majority in English Canada would oppose any concrete suggestions for economic union.Further insights into the structure of these political attitudes can be obtained from Table V1, which shows gamma values measuring the associations between the individual items discussed so far and compares these associations for the two large non‐minority groups ‐ the French in Quebec and the non‐French outside Quebec. The generally stronger associations in Quebec among the responses to items a to E ‐measuring support for conventional policies of bilingualism ‐ indicate that French Quebecers are more likely to view the extension of these rights in Quebec and English Canada in terms of reciprocity and that their beliefs are more coherently organized than those of English Canadians. It is interesting to examine the relationship between support for English‐language schooling for Canadians who move to Quebec versus provision for this schooling for people who do not speak English and move to Quebec. In English Canada the two policies are very strongly related; the gamma of 81 indicates that both policies are seen as part of a single dimension. But French Quebecers see these as two distinguishable issues, though they are still positively related (the gamma is.25).In Quebec there is little relationship between support for independence and attitudes to bilingualism. Support for independence is weakly, but negatively, correlated with support for English schooling for English Canadians who move to Quebec and with recognition of the right to communicate with the Quebec government in English. Supporters of independence tend to oppose common Federalist notions of bilingualism, but not as strongly as might be expected.What is suggested here is that "independen‐tisme" is a reaction to conditions within Quebec ‐ as indicated further by the definite association between support for independence and the measures to protect French within Quebec ‐ rather than a reaction to conditions in Canada or an ethnocentric response to English Canadians generally. The data in Table VI also indicate that amongst non‐French‐speaking Canadians outside Quebec support for the extension of opportunities for the use of French in Canada is associated with support for the recognition of the special status of French in Quebec and with approval of a more conciliatory attitude to concessions and economic agreement with Quebec. The relevant coefficients are in the order of.30, indicating a fairly consistent attitudinal structure. In English Canada, therefore, attitudes to bilingualism reflect a general orientation towards political developments in Quebec which can be seen in terms of the response of a dominant ethnic group to the assertion of "civil rights" by an ethnic minority. In Quebec, on the other hand, problems of civil rights in majority‐minority relations within Canada have little or nothing to do with the demand for the right to self‐determination. This demand reflects rather the concentration of the French population and the historical continuity of the French community in Quebec, and arguments over the right to self‐determination are based upon interpretations of political and economic conditions within Quebec. Within Quebec, therefore, we expect to explain attitudes to independence and language rights in terms of conventional theories of support for nationalist movements, while in the rest of Canada we concentrate on theories of prejudice and support for civil liberties.

Einleitend skizziert der Verfasser das Gorbatschowsche Konzept der "sozialen Gerechtigkeit", das sich wider den Egalitarismus wendet und stattdessen - mit dem Ziel, eine effiziente, marktorientierte Wirtschaft zu schaffen - eine Entlohnung gemäß der erbrachten Arbeitsleistung und -produktivität postuliert. Vor diesem Hintergrund vermittelt der Autor zunächst eine Übersicht über die seit 1988 im Zuge von Glasnost um die Thematik der "sozialen Gerechtigkeit" in der Sowjetunion geführte akademische und journalistische Debatte. Sodann referiert er die wichtigsten Ergebnisse sowjetischer Meinungsumfragen aus den Jahren 1988 und 1989, die Aufschluß geben über die Einstellung der Bevölkerung in der Frage der "sozialen Gerechtigkeit". Verwiesen wird in diesem Kontext auf die Persistenz des ökonomischen Gleichheitsdenkens der kommunistischen Ideologie in der Bevölkerung, die erwartet, daß die "soziale Gerechtigkeit" vom politischen System und nicht vom (marktorientierten) Wirtschaftssystem herzustellen bzw. zu garantieren ist. (BIOst-Klk)

Ublažavanje i prilagodba klimatskim promjenama jedan je od glavnih globalnih ciljeva i izazova u provedbi današnjih vlada i njihovoj odgovornosti za održivi razvoj gospodarstva i društva. Energetski rizici gospodarstva zbog prilagodbe klimatskim promjenama i oštrog smanjenja emisije stakleničkih plinova, zahtijevaju nove pristupe u korištenju goriva sa nižim emisijskim faktorom ugljika u odnosu na postojeća fosilna goriva. Potrebno je pronaći nove tehnologije i načine korištenja energije bez prijetnji klimatskim promjenama. Ugljični dioksid je glavni staklenički plin koji pokreće globalne klimatske promjene te je jedini staklenički plin kojeg industrija cementa emitira u značajnoj količini. Smanjenje se, prema mjerama koje je definirao Kyoto protokol za cementnu industriju, postiže supstitucijom fosilnog goriva sa zamjenskim gorivima proizvedenim iz otpada, koje u sebi sadrži što veći udio biomase. U ovom radu predstavljaju se rezultati empirijskog istraživanja informiranosti i stavova javnosti kroz ciljne i sektor grupe prema mjerama za dostizanje postavljenih ciljeva u prilagodbi klimatskim promjenama. Istraživanje je provedeno na ciljanom uzorku metodom dubinskog intervjua i sudjelujućeg promatranja. U analizi empirijskog materijala korištena je kvalitativna metoda utemeljene teorije. Izvršena je deskriptivna obrada i kvantifikacija kodiranog kvalitativno obrađenog uzorka kondicionalne matrice, radi daljnje provedbe analize razlika. Kodirani materijal je kvantitativno obrađen i izračunat s računalnim paketom Statistica ver 11.00. Cilj istraživanja bio je utvrditi informiranost i stavove zainteresirane javnosti o prihvatljivosti korištenja goriva proizvedenog iz otpada u tvrtki CEMEX Hrvatska d.d. u optimalnim uvjetima sa strogom kontrolom i nadzorom. Analizom rezultata utvrđeno je da se predstavnici ciljnih i sector grupa između sebe razlikuju u korištenim varijablama u zavisnosti o skupini kojoj pripadaju. ; Alleviating the effects of and adapting to climate change present some of the main global objectives and challenges facing modern governments responsible for working towards sustainable development in both economy and society. Energy risks in the economy brought about by attempts to adapt to climate change and the drastic reduction in carbon gas emission require new approaches to using fuels with a lower carbon emission factor than the existing fossil fuels. New technologies and new methods of energy consumption, those which would not contribute to climate change, must be found. Carbon dioxide is the main greenhouse gas that contributes to climate change, as well as the only greenhouse gas emitted by the cement industry in large quantities. Reduction, according to the guidelines defined by the Kyoto Protocol for the cement industry, is to be achieved by substituting fossil fuels with replacement fuels made from waste, which contain the largest possible amount of biomass. In this paper, the results of an empirical study of public awareness and opinions on the measures for achieving the desired goals in adapting to climate change will be presented. The study was conducted on a purposive, non-random sample using the methods of in-depth interview and participant observation. In the study of empirical data the qualitative method of grounded theory was used. Descriptive analysis and quantification of the coded, qualitatively analysed sample of the conditional matrix were carried out as a prerequisite for further analysing the differences. The coded material underwent quantitative analysis and was processed using the Statistica software package, ver. 11.00. The aim of the study was to determine how informed the concerned public was and what its opinions were on whether the use of waste fuel by the company CEMEX Hrvatska d.d. was acceptable under optimal conditions and with strict control and supervision. An analysis of the results revealed that the representatives of the target and sector groups differ in their relation to the variables used in the study depending on the group to which they belong.

Are political parties in young democracies responsive to the policy preferences of the public? Compared to extensive scholarship on party responsiveness in established democracies, research on party responsiveness in young democracies is limited. We argue that weaker programmatic party–voter linkages in post-communist democracies create incentives for parties to respond to their supporters rather than the more general electorate. Such responsiveness occurs in two ways. First, parties follow shifts in the mean position of their supporters. Second, drawing on the research on party–voter congruence, we argue that parties adjust their policy positions to eliminate previous incongruence between themselves and their supporters. Analyses based on a comprehensive dataset that uses expert surveys, parties' manifestoes and election surveys to measure parties' positions, and several cross-national and national surveys to measure voters' preferences provide strong support for this argument.