Suchergebnisse

This article examines the interactions among members of the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources during the debate on Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) in Antarctica between 2005 and 2018. For this purpose, data were collected from final reports of the Commission's annual meetings, institutional news of this Antarctic forum, and information published by the National Antarctic Programs of member countries. Using an inductive analysis strategy, this article affirms that these interactions are based on: 1) a series of bilateral and multilateral agreements on Antarctica, which frame the actions of states participating in this forum; 2) dilemmas among members of the Commission about the conservation of marine biodiversity; and 3) state and non-state interests in the management of Antarctic marine living resources that could potentially converge. These three characteristics allow us to understand that the dispute over the management of Antarctic areas is a subtle way of doing geopolitics by defining environmental criteria to designate MPAs or establish management and evaluation mechanisms. This article aims at providing an input into the discussion of science and politics in the Antarctic Treaty System. ; Este artículo examina las interacciones entre miembros de la Comisión para la Conservaciónde Recursos Vivos Marinos Antárticos durante el debate sobre Áreas Marinas Protegidas (amp) en laAntártida, desde el 2005 hasta el 2018. Para su abordaje, se recolectaron datos provenientes deinformes finales de las reuniones anuales de la Comisión, novedades institucionales de este foro antártico e información publicada por los Programas Nacionales Antárticos de países que lo integran.A partir de una estrategia inductiva de análisis, este artículo afirma que dichas interacciones estánbasadas en: 1) una serie de acuerdos bilaterales y multilaterales sobre la Antártida, que enmarcan lasacciones de los Estados que participan de este foro; 2) dilemas entre los miembros de la Comisiónacerca de la conservación de la biodiversidad marina, y 3) intereses estatales y no estatales en lagestión de recursos vivos marinos antárticos que potencialmente podrían converger. Estas tres características permiten comprender que la disputa por la gestión de los espacios antárticos es unaforma sutil de hacer geopolítica, a través de la definición de criterios ambientales para designar ampo establecer mecanismos de gestión y evaluación. Este artículo tiene como propósito aportar a ladiscusión sobre ciencia y política en el Sistema del Tratado Antártico. ; Este artigo analisa as interações entre membros da Comissão para a Conservação de Recursos Marinhos Antárticos durante o debate sobre as Áreas Marinhas Protegidas (amp) na Antártida, desde 2005 até 2018. Para sua abordagem, foram coletados dados de relatórios finais das reuniões anuais da Comissão, novidades institucionais desse fórum antártico e informação publicada pelos Programas Nacionais Antárticos de países que o integram. A partir de uma estratégia indutiva de análise, este artigo afirma que essas interações estão baseadas em: 1) acordos bilaterais e multilaterais sobre a Antártida, que delimitam as ações dos Estados que participam desse fórum; 2) dilemas entre os membros da Comissão sobre a conservação da biodiversidade marinha e 3) interesses estatais e não estatais na gestão de recursos vivos marinhos antárticos que, potencialmente, poderiam convergir. Essas três características permitem compreender que a disputa pela gestão dos espaços antárticos é uma forma sutil de fazer geopolítica, por meio da definição de critérios ambientais para designar amp ou estabelece mecanismos de gestão e avaliação. Este artigo tem como propósito contribuir para a discussão sobre ciência e política no sistema do Tratado Antártico.

This paper analyzes the English translation of the Argentine testimonial narrative Pasos bajo el agua (1987), an account of the last military dictatorship in Argentina by Alicia Kozameh. The article proposes a case study that explores the evocative potential of metonymy in translation for repositioning female subjectivities across borders from a transnational feminist translation perspective. From a literary standpoint, metonymy is defined here as a figure of speech whereby a term is used to evoke a whole range of culture-bound associations closely connected with experience. The article's goal is twofold: (1) to look into the role of metonymy in the translated text for recreating and reconfiguring the network of complex power relations in the feminist text and (2) to examine the geopolitics of feminist translation and the power relations established in the translation of an Argentine Spanish-written text into English. This can be revealed by examining the translation of specific metonymies that display the incarcerated female condition in the source text. Results show that the evocative mechanisms of metonymy help to foreground gender relations and, therefore, require careful consideration in the translation of feminist texts from a transnational perspective. ; Mediante un estudio de caso, este artículo aborda el potencial evocativo de la metonimia en la traducción para reposicionar las subjetividades femeninas en otra lengua y cultura desde una perspectiva transnacional de la traducción feminista. En el campo literario, la metonimia se define como una figura retórica mediante la cual un término se emplea para evocar una serie de asociaciones culturales que se encuentran íntimamente vinculadas a la experiencia. El artículo persigue dos objetivos: (1) analizar el rol de la metonimia en la traducción para observar la recreación y reconfiguración dela compleja red de relaciones de poder en el texto feminista; y (2) examinar aspectos geopolíticos de la traducción en torno a las relaciones de poder instauradas en la traducción de un texto argentino escrito en español al inglés. Para ello, se estudia la traducción de metonimias específicas que revelan la condición femenina encarcelada en Pasos bajo el agua (1987), un relato testimonial sobre la última dictadura militar argentina escrito por Alicia Kozameh. Los resultados muestran que los mecanismos evocativos de la metonimia contribuyen a revelar las relaciones de género y, por tanto, requieren especial consideración para la traducción de textos feministas desde una perspectiva transnacional. ; À travers une étude de cas, cet article expose la puissance évocatrice de la métonymie dans la traduction pour replacer les subjectivités féminines dans une autre langue-culture depuis une perspective transnationale de la traduction féministe. Dans le champ littéraire, la métonymie est définie comme une figure rhétorique par laquelle un terme est employé pour évoquer une série d'associations culturelles qui se trouvent intimement liées à l'expérience. L'article vise deux objectifs : (1) analyser le rôle de la métonymie dans la traduction à fin d'observer la recréation et la reconfiguration du complexe réseau de relations de pouvoir dans le texte féministe ; et (2) examiner des aspects géopolitiques de la traduction autour des relations de pouvoir érigées dans la traduction d'un texte argentin écrit en espagnol vers l'anglais. Pour cela, nous étudions la traduction des métonymies spécifiques qui révèlent la condition féminine incarcérée dans Pasos bajo el agua (1987), un récit qui témoigne de la dernière dictature militaire argentine écrit par Alicia Kozameh. Les résultats mettent en évidence que les mécanismes évocateurs de la métonymie contribuent à révéler les relations de genre et, par conséquent, ils méritent d'être particulièrement considérés dans la traduction des textes féministes suivant une perspective transnationale.

The foreign policy role of the USA in the Caspian region is investigated. The US-Azerbaijan relations are analyzed in the conditions of modern geopolitical situation. The main goals and strategy of the United States in the region are defined. The foreign policy priorities and the course of the Azerbaijan Republic towards the US in the Caspian region are substantiated.The relations between Azerbaijan and the US in the Caspian region have a long history. After 1994, one of the main subjects of political and economic interaction was the transportation and extraction of oil and gas. The United States has always supported the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan project. In the foreign policy of Azerbaijan, cooperation with the US in the field of energy is a priority. Interest in the US in the Caspian region was evident already during the reign of B. Clinton and J. Bush Jr. After 2001, an important stage of bilateral relations begins. Azerbaijan becomes a member of NATO counter-terrorism operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. Azerbaijan's significant contribution made it possible to expand bilateral cooperation, which today can be assessed as a "strategic partnership". However, the problematic aspects of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and the United States are the policy of double standards directed against the government of Azerbaijan, the requirements under the slogans of "democratic change", and so on. American companies continue to operate in the Caspian Sea, but after the accession of D.Tramp, significant changes in relations between these states are not observed. Thus, US-Azerbaijani relations in the Caspian region are stable, mutually beneficial and have a positive tendency for future development.The purpose of this analysis, which is based on primary sources, specialized literature and media reports, is to present the most important aspects of the implementation of US foreign policy in the Caspian region in the context of relations with the Republic of AzerbaijanKey words: Azerbaijan, USA, Caspian region, foreign policy, geopolitics. ; Досліджено зовнішньополітичну роль США в Каспійському регіоні. Проаналізовано відносини США – Азербайджан в умовах сучасної геополітичної ситуації. Визначені основні цілі та стратегія США в регіоні. Обґрунтовані зовнішньополітичні пріоритети та курс Азербайджанської Республіки відносно США в Каспійському регіоні.Відносини Азербайджану та США в Каспійському регіоні мають тривалу історію. Після 1994 – го року одним із основних предметів політичної та економічної взаємодії були питання транспортування та видобутку нафти та газу. США завжди підтримували проект «Баку – Тбілісі – Джейхан». В зовнішній політиці Азербайджану співробітництво з США в сфері енергетики є пріоритетним. Інтерес США в Каспійському регіоні був очевидним вже в часи правління Б.Клінтона та Дж.Буша молодшого. Після 2001-го року розпочинається важливий етап двосторонніх відносин. Азербайджан стає учасником антитерористичних операцій НАТО в Афганістані та Іраку. Значний вклад Азербайджану дозволив розширити двостороннє співробітництво, яке сьогодні можна оцінити як «стратегічне партнерство». Однак проблемними аспектами двосторонніх відносин між Азербайджаном та США є політика подвійних стандартів направлена проти уряду Азербайджану, вимоги під лозунгами «демократичних змін» та інше. В Каспійському морі продовжують діяти американські компанії, однак після приходу до влади Д.Трампа значні зміни у відносинах між цими державами не спостерігаються. Так, американо-азербайджанські відносини в Каспійському регіоні є стабільно розвинені, взаємовигідні та мають позитивну тенденцію розвитку у майбутньому.Метою даного аналізу, який ґрунтується на основі первинних джерел, спеціалізованої літератури і повідомлень засобів масової інформації, є представлення найбільш важливих аспектів реалізації зовнішньої політики США в Каспійському регіоні в контексті взаємин з Азербайджанською РеспублікоюКлючові слова: Азербайджан, США, Каспійський регіон, зовнішня політика, геополітика.

Tesis para obtener el grado de Doctora en Estudios de la Sociedad y la Cultura, de la Universidad de Costa Rica, en 2019 ; La investigación que se presenta pretende identificar y trabajar sobre puentes de sentidos, de significaciones transdisciplinares. Busca establecer correspondencias entre epistemología y patrones de poder de la Modernidad, con prácticas vigentes y emergentes de producción de conocimientos tecno-científicos agro-biotecnológicos en La Pampa argentina, en tiempos del capitalismo tardío, global y transnacional. Un objetivo ulterior y ambicioso, que no es parte de esta tesis, pero es al que se propende, procura favorecer un pensamiento crítico para la construcción colectiva de un desarrollo local pampeano, "otro". El camino se recorre en la interrelación entre la geopolítica del conocimiento –la trama de relaciones y significados que reproduce-, con la producción de conocimientos en la provincia. Es decir, dentro de la colonialidad del presente y de un modelo hegemónico de poder, se indaga sobre el impacto de la modernidad y sus mecanismos interiorizados de producción y (re) producción ideológica, así como determinadas prácticas discursivas y recursos simbólicos que han sido y son funcionales al modelo hegemónico-global, respecto a la producción de conocimientos tecno-científicos agropecuarios. ; The research presented aims to identify and work on bridges senses, transdisciplinary meanings. Looking to relate to epistemology and patterns of modernity, with current and emerging practices of agro-biotechnological production of techno-scientific in La Pampa Argentina, in late times, global and transnational capitalism knowledge. A further ambitious goal, which is not part of this thesis, but it tends to that, try to encourage critical thinking for collective construction of a local development pampas, "other." The road runs on the interrelationship between the geopolitics of knowledge-the web of relationships and meanings that played-with knowledge production in the province. That is, within the colonialism of the present and of a hegemonic model of power, it investigates the impact of modernity and its mechanisms internalized production and (re) ideological production and certain discursive practices and symbolic resources that have been and are functional to hegemonic global model with respect to the production of techno-scientific agricultural knowledge. ; La recherche présentée vise à identifier et à travailler sur les ponts sens, des significations transdisciplinaires. Vous cherchez à rapporter à l'épistémologie et les modèles de la modernité, avec les pratiques actuelles et émergentes de la production agro-biotechnologique de techno-scientifique dans la Pampa Argentine, dans les derniers temps, la connaissance globale et transnationale capitalisme. Un objectif ambitieux encore, qui ne fait pas partie de cette thèse, mais elle tend à ce que, d'essayer d'encourager la pensée critique pour la construction collective d'une pampa de développement local, "autre". La route tourne sur la relation entre la géopolitique de la connaissance du réseau de relations et de significations qui ont joué avec-production de connaissances dans la province. C'est, dans le colonialisme de la présente et d'un modèle hégémonique du pouvoir, il étudie l'impact de la modernité et de ses mécanismes internalisé la production et (re) production idéologique et certaines pratiques discursives et les ressources symboliques qui ont été et sont fonctionnels pour modèle global hégémonique par rapport à la production de connaissances agricoles techno-scientifique. ; Estación Experimental Agropecuaria Anguil ; Fil: Lardone, Luz Marina. Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria (INTA). Estación Experimental Agropecuaria Anguil; Argentina

The article analyzes the concept of «civilization» in the context of the modern sociological language. It is shown that at the moment this concept has the lack of clarity of its content. Its history has led to the preservation in it the idea of linear progress with its characteristic steps and idea of different cultural areas. The dialectical tension between universalism and particularism in the concept of civilization has not yet become a stimulus for the development of the theory of civilization. The scientific program of the civilization approach is interdisciplinary and philosophical discourse prevails in it. The hard core of the program demonstrates the inability to development. The history of the study of civilizations is a series of author's visions of reality. There is no repeatability of the results and no falsification of the fundamental thesis of the civilizational approach. The peripheral moments of scientific program of the civilization approach vary depending on the political predilections of scientists and specific circumstances. Most of the forecasts made by supporters of the civilizational approach have not been confirmed in the course of historical development. Insufficient sociological elaboration of the concept of civilization makes it unproductive in scientific research and in public practice. At moments of international crises and wars the civilizational approach turns into a translator of ideological influences on sociology. This is demonstrated by the basic texts of Nikolai Danilevsky and Samuel Huntington. In the geopolitics of large countries, the civilizational approach justifies their right to dominate in some part of the globe. Elites of small countries use it to substantiate the choice of an external patron and to join certain unions. In Ukraine, at present, the civilizational approach is mainly used in the options of civilizational war and civilizational choice. As empirical studies show, it does not find support in the mass consciousness and can not serve the purposes of mobilizing the population to confront the enemy. ; В статье предпринят анализ понятия «цивилизация» в контексте современного языка социологии. Показано, что в настоящий момент это понятие не отличается четкостью своего концепта. Его история обусловила сохранение в его составе идеи линейного прогресса со свойственными ему этапами и идеи отдельных культурных ареалов. Диалектическое напряжение между универсализмом и партикуляризмом в концепте цивилизации пока не стало стимулом для развития теории цивилизации. Научная программа цивилизационного подхода является межпредметной. В ней преобладает философский дискурс. Недостаточная социологическая проработанность концепта цивилизации делает его малопродуктивным в научных исследованиях и общественной практике. В условиях международных кризисов и войн цивилизационный подход превращается в транслятора идеологических влияний на социологию. В Украине в настоящее время цивилизационный подход преимущественно используется сегодня в вариантах цивилизационной войны и цивилизационного выбора. Он не находит поддержки в массовом сознании и не может служить целям мобилизации населения для противостояния противнику. ; У статті здійснено аналіз поняття «цивілізація» в контексті сучасної мови соціології. Показано, що на цей момент дане поняття не відрізняється чіткістю свого концепту. Його історія зумовила збереження в його складі ідеї лінійного прогресу з властивими йому етапами та ідеї окремих культурних ареалів. Діалектична напруженість між універсалізмом та партикуляризмом у концепті цивілізації поки що не стала стимулом для розвитку теорії цивілізації. Наукова програма цивілізаційного підходу є міжпредметною. В ній переважає філософський дискурс. Недостатнє соціологічне опрацювання концепту цивілізації робить його малопродуктивним у наукових дослідженнях та суспільній практиці. В умовах міжнародних криз і воєн цивілізаційний підхід перетворюється в транслятора ідеологічних впливів на соціологію. В Україні цивілізаційний підхід переважно використовується зараз у варіантах цивілізаційної війни і цивілізаційного вибору. Він не знаходить підтримки в масовій свідомості і не може бути чинником мобілізації населення задля протистояння супротивнику.

The subject of research are the position and the role of Venezuela in regional geopolitical relations. The aim is to analyze the regional activities H. Chavez and N. Maduro at this stage, and make characteristics of relations with the leading states of Venezuela CELAC (The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States). The methodological basis is the principle of historicism, the principle of systematic, the chronological method; it allows analyzing the prob-lem in its time sequence. The descriptive analysis used for the purpose of the general overview of relations in this re-gion. The comparative analysis characterizes the activity of the country on the international scene during the period of presidency Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro. The scientific novelty was carried out a comprehensive study of using of potential energy for the realization of geopolitical and ideological goals of Venezuela; was studied the international position of Venezuela in 2015–2016 years in the times of internal crisis and instability in the country. The obtained results of the work can be used to teaching courses of «Geopolitics», «Theory of International Relations», «Political systems and regimes in today's world», «Modern Problems of War and Peace» and others. The author concluded that: Venezuela is going to participate in international and regional affairs, not considered out-of-play. As a member of OPEC (The Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries), Venezuela is defending its position and has influence on oil formation of prices, it participates in decision-making regarding policies of oil on the world oil market. Venezue-lan leadership efforts focused on further strengthening the «Bolivarian Alliance for the peoples of our America» (AL-BA), it intends to form in LACC (Latin American and Caribbean States) a new model of political and economic integra-tion. Among regional initiatives, increased attention was paid to the Union of South American States (UNASUR), mem-bership in MERCOSUR. ; Рассматривается внешнеполитический курс Венесуэлы, который наиболее полно проявляется в латино-американском регионе, и выводит страну на новый, более функциональный уровень межгосударственных от-ношений, закрепляя за собой лидирующие позиции, с использованием энергетического фактора.Сегодня Венесуэла «захлебывается» в экономическом кризисе, в связи с мировым падением цен на нефть. Ситуация очень нестабильная и напряженная, как в стране, так и в регионе. Поэтому основной целью высту-пает определение места и роли Венесуэлы в системе региональных геополитических отношений, состояние и перспективы развития.В целом проанализированы и освещены участие и достижения Венесуэлы в региональных интеграционных объединениях таких, как: Содружество государств Латинской Америки и Карибского бассейна (СЕЛАК), Союз южноамериканских наций (УНАСУР), Боливарианский альянс для народов нашей Америки (АЛБА), Пет-рокарибе и многие другие. С помощью которых Венесуэла имеет возможность удерживать свои лидирующие позиции в странах ЛАКБ и использовать нефть как инструмент влияния, несмотря на временные трудности. ; У статті розглядається зовнішньополітичний курсу Венесуели, який найповніше проявляється в латиноамериканському регіоні, і виводить країну на новий, більш функ-ціональний рівень міждержавних відносин, закріплюючи за нею лідируючи позиції, з вико-ристанням енергетичного фактору.Сьогодні Венесуела «захлинається» у економічній кризі, у зв'язку зі світовим падін-ням цін на нафту. Ситуація є дуже нестабільною та напруженою, як в країні, так і в ре-гіоні. Тому основною метою виступає визначення місця і ролі Венесуели в системі регі-ональних геополітичних відносин, стан і перспективи розвитку.У цілому проаналізовано та висвітлено участь і здобутки Венесуели у регіональних інтеграційних об'єднаннях таких, як: Співдружність держав Латинської Америки та Ка-рибського басейну (СЕЛАК), Союз Південноамериканських Націй (УНАСУР), Боліваріан-ський альянс для народів нашої Америки (АЛБА), Петрокарібе та багато інших. За до-помогою яких Венесуела має змогу утримувати свої лідируючі позиції в країнах Латин-ської Америки та Карибського басейну і використовувати нафту як інструмент впли-ву, незважаючи на тимчасові труднощі.

В статье рассматривается проблема трансформации восприятия пространства в парадигмах нескольких культурных эпох. Дискурс пространства раскрывается через его восприятие обществом, отражение в мифологических системах и в философских концепциях. Автор рассматривает историю изменения пространственного дискурса через последовательную смену двух этапов традиционного и посттрадиционного. К традиционному этапу автор относит архаическое общество, Античность и Средневековье, к посттрадиционному Возрождение, Модерн и Постмодерн. В статье автор останавливается на каждом из этапов и описывает мифологическое, цельное восприятие пространства в архаическом мире, его дальнейшее развитие и иерархизирование в античном мире, а также перенос основных черт античной модели на Средневековье. Кроме того, анализируется процесс кардинального изменения восприятия пространства с началом Возрождения и под воздействием начавшегося длительного процесса секуляризации и общей демифологизации, который обозначен в целом как эпоха Модерна. Отмечается, что данный процесс продолжался на протяжении нескольких столетий, постепенно опустошая пространство мифа, и достиг наивысшей точки к концу XIX в. Автор предлагает особый взгляд на причины возросшей в то время потребности в мифе, приводя в качестве примера рождение новой дисциплины геополитики. Кроме того, даётся характеристика основному вектору развития дискурса пространства в XX в. и до сегодняшнего дня, формирующее влияние на который оказал Постмодерн. В статье рассматриваются два частных пространственных концепта «гетеротопия» и «ризома» которые, по мнению автора, демонстрируют основные черты пространства современности: антииерархичность и открытость для новой мифологизации. Подчёркиваются основные различия между пространственным восприятием Постмодерна и традиционного общества. Делается предположение, что современный пространственный дискурс будет оказывать влияние в том числе на исследования проблем современной мировой политической и территориальной архитектуры. ; The paper examines the problem of transforming the perception of space in the paradigms of several cultural epochs. Space discourse is defined via its societal perception, reflection in mythological systems and some philosophical concepts. The author reviews the history of changes of space discourse through continued development of two stages traditional and post-traditional. The author refers the archaic society, the Antiquity and the Middle Ages to the traditional stage, the Renaissance, the Modernity and the Postmodernity to the post-traditional. The author examines each of these stages and describes mythological and holistic perception of space in archaic society, its further development and hierarchizing in the Antiquity, as well as transfer of the main features of the Classic model into the Medieval period. In addition, the paper examines the process of radical changes in the perception of space beginning in the Renaissance and under the impact of the long process of secularization and general demythologization referred to by the author as the Modernity era. The paper states that this process continued for some centuries emptying the space of myth and reached its highest peak by the end of the 19th century. The author provides a special insight on the reasons of the increased need for myth and cites as an example the emergence of geopolitics as a new discipline. Further, the author describes the main vector of space discourse development from the 20th century until now shaped by the Postmodernity. The article focuses on two particular spatial concepts such as "heterotopia" and "rhizome". According to the author they illustrate the main features of modern space anti-hierarchy and openness to a new mythologization. The emphasis is put on the main differences of space perception between the postmodern and traditional society. The author makes an assumption that the space discourse of today will also influence the researches of actual global political and territorial architecture.

Bugün yaşanmakta olan modern dünyada işleyişinde enerji hayati bir rol oynamaktadır. 21. yüzyılda satın alınabilir ya da sürdürülebilir enerji kaynakları ve bunlara ulaşım ülkeler açısından da hayatı öneme sahiptir. Bu çalışmada sosyal bilimlerle, doğa ve mühendislik bilimleri arasında bir işbirliği gerçekleştirilmeye çalışılmaktadır. Enerji araştırmalarında doğal ve mühendislik bilimleri uygun rekabet edebilir ve tamamlayıcı geleneksel araştırmalarla, bilimsel katılık ve yararlılık yönünden ele alınmalıdır. Hızlı bir şekilde değişen dünyada enerji özel olarak zenginliği ve ileri bir hayat tarzını çağrıştırmaktadır. Burada tüketim, talebin son noktasıdır ve talebi de ortaya çıkaran sistemdir. Dünyanın enerjiye olan talebi son yüz yılda giderek büyümüştür. Geçmiş yüzyılda enerji tüketimi sayılamayacak derecede yararlı bir toplumsal ortam oluşturmuştur. Örneğin ulaşımda elektrik enerjisinin kullanılması, eğitim ve tıp alanındaki gelişmeler, sağlığı beslenmeyi ve yaşam beklentisini yükseltmiştir. Tüketim talebini karşılamak için belirli kaynaklara sahip olunması gerekir. Aynı zamanda enerji, kaynaklara sahip olan ülkelerle, bu kaynaklara ihtiyaç duyan ülkeler arasında yeni ilişki biçimlerinin gelişmesine de neden olur. Gerçekte enerjiye dayalı ilişkiler pek çok anlamda jeo-politik ilişkiler üzerine oturur. Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyinin beş daimi üyesinden sadece Rusya hariç diğerleri ile birlikte 150 ülke petrol ithal etme konumundadır. Gelişmekte olan ülkelerde giderek büyüyen enerji ticareti muazzam bir ağ oluşturmaktadır. Enerji jeo-politikaları basit bir fikri mücadelenin ötesinde kaynaklar üzerinde muazzam bir rekabeti gerektirmektedir. Bütün bu ekonomik ve politik faktörlere rağmen, enerji kaynaklarının iklim değişimi ve çevre kirliliği başta olmak üzere, çevre üzerinde negatif yönde muazzam bir etkisi olduğu görülmektedir. İklim değişimi doğal seleksiyon gibi büyük bir teori anlamına gelmez ancak son yirmi yılda enerji bölgelerinden elde edilen testler, büyük olumsuz sonuçlara yol açacağını ima etmektedir. Bu çalışmada biz iklim değişimi ve muhtemel çözüm yolları gibi çeşitli konuları da ele alarak tartışmaya çalıştık. ; In the modern society, Energy plays the most vital role in running the World. And to bring about a transition to more efficient, affordable and sustainable energy sources, carriers and Technologies for all of humanity is one of the key challenges of 21st century. This research work supports the equal collaboration of the social sciences with the physical, natural and engineering sciences in energy research by demonstrating their relevance, compatibility and complementarity with conventional research, their policy usefulness and their scientific rigidity. As energy especially run the prosperity and lifestyles of advanced and rapidly modernizing nations, here consumption is the end point of demand and demand drives the system. The world's thirst for energy over last 100 years has been growing. Energy expansion over the past century has brought innumerable advances of a wholly beneficial kind from electric power to modern transport, from improved education to healthcare, nutrition and greater life expectancy. And to meet the demand for consumption, there develps a politics to acquire resources. For this energy relations, which needs to be developed between the country owning the energy resources and the country inneed of acquiring those resources. And in reality energy relations are geopolitical in many ways. Over 150 nations including every permanent member of UN security council except Russia, are importer of one of the important sources of energy in the contemporary World- that is Petroleum. A huge web of vulnerability that willl only grow as energy trade expands in developing countries.The geopolitics of energy is more a struggle of ideas than a simple contest over resources. Despite all these economic and political factors, there is an adverse effect on environment as well and it results in climate change. Climate change is not a grand theory like natural selection, but a vast conclusion drawing on data from a host of fields and twenty years of dispute and accumulated testimony. Here, we discussed about various problems arising from climate change and its possible solutions to tackle these problems.

Tämä opinnäyte analysoi Moldovan venäjänkielisen väestön poliittista identiteettiä käyttäen lähteenään venäläisessä sosiaalisessa mediassa (vKontakte) käytyjä keskusteluja. Tutkimus on jaoteltu temaattisesti historiaa, kieltä, Transnistriaa, muita nykyhetken poliittisia kysymyksiä ja tulevaisuusnäkymiä käsitteleviin lukuihin. Yhdessä nämä alaluvut muodostavat laaja-alaisen kuvan tutkimuksen kohteena olevan ihmisryhmän poliittisista näkemyksistä. Työn teoreettinen pohja rakentuu poliittisen identiteetin, nationalismin ja geopolitiikan käsitteille, joita sovelletaan sosiaalisessa mediassa käytyjen keskustelujen analyysiin käyttäen metodina tekstianalyysia. Vertailua tehdään Venäjän ulkopolitiikan retoriikkaan, joka kohdistuu "lähiulkomailla" asuviin "maamiehiin", toisin sanoen entisissä neuvostotasavalloissa asuvaan venäjänkieliseen väestöön. Lisäksi Moldovan tilannetta verrataan muihin venäjänkielisiä vähemmistöjä omaaviin entisiin neuvostotasavaltoihin tukeutuen aiempaan tutkimukseen aiheesta. Tutkimus osoittaa että neuvostokaudella syntynyt "Moldovalaisuus"-ideologia ja siihen liittyvä retoriikka on edelleen voimissaan keskusteltaessa poliittisiin kysymyksiin ja Moldovan venäjänkielisen väestön identiteettiin liittyvistä kysymyksistä. Myös venäläisen median vaikutus näkyy tiettyihin poliittisiin tapahtumiin liittyvässä keskustelussa. Kieli-identiteetti vaikuttaakin olevan monin tavoin yhteydessä yksilön sosiaaliseen identiteettiin ja poliittisiin mielipiteisiin, ja kielikysymys vaikuttaa kaikkien analysoitujen keskustelujen taustalla. Aiempi tutkimus on tuottanut samankaltaisia tuloksia muista entisistä neuvostotasavalloista, vaikka tilanne onkin murroksessa venäjänkielisen väestön muuttuessa yhä suuremmassa määrin kaksikieliseksi. Toisaalta tutkimus osoittaa Moldovan venäjänkielisen väestön moniäänisyyden: viimeaikainen poliittinen käänne kohti EU:ta saa osakseen tukea ja kaikki kolme pääideologiaa (Romania- ja Venäjä-suuntautuneisuus sekä moldovalainen patriotismi) jotka vaikuttavat Moldovan sisä- ja ulkopolitiikassa näkyvät myös käyttämissäni lähteissä. Analyysiini pohjaten voidaankin todeta, että historialliset tekijät, valtiollisen tason jatkuvasti muuttuva poliittinen suuntautuminen, Moldovan kulttuurinen ja geopoliittinen sijainti idän ja lännen välissä, sekä taloudelliset ongelmat ovat johtaneet Moldovan venäjänkielisen väestön jakautuneisiin identiteetteihin ja poliittisiin mielipiteisiin. ; This study analyzes the political identity of Moldova's Russophone population using discussions on Russian social media site vKontakte as a source. The research is divided thematically, covering themes of history, language, Transnistria, other questions of current politics, and views on the future. Together these themes form a fairly wide image of the political attitudes of this group of people. The theoretical basis of the work consists of concepts of political identity, nationalism, and geopolitics. These concepts are applied to discussions on social media using textual analysis. Comparisons to rhetoric of Russian foreign policy aimed at "compatriots" residing in the "near abroad", in other words the Russophone populations of post-Soviet states, are applied. In addition, comparisons to the situation in other post-Soviet states with Russian diaspora are made based on previous research. The research shows that rhetoric stemming from the Moldovanist ideology of the Soviet period is still actively used in discussion of many themes related to the political opinions and identity of the Russophone population of Moldova. Also the impact of Russian media is visible in discussion concerning certain political events. It seems that language identity is in many ways connected to social identity and political opinions, and the language question is present in discussion concerning all themes. Previous research has gained similar results from other post-Soviet states, even though it seems that situation might be changing as the Russophone population in these areas is becoming increasingly bilingual. On the other hand this study demonstrates the multivocal nature of the Russophone population of Moldova: also opinions supporting the relatively recent political turn towards the EU are apparent in the material and all three major ideologies (pro-Romanian, pro-Russian, Moldovan patriot) that control the field of politics in Moldova are also visible in my sources. Thus, according to my analysis, it seems that historical factors, constantly changing political orientations, Moldova's cultural and geopolitical position between the East and the West, as well as economic problems have resulted in split identities and political views of this group of people.

This job tries to establish in a general way the strategic axes of the bilateral relations between Nicaragua and Ecuador, which serve to determinate the perspectives and challenges for the future, based on a current diagnosis of the existing relations between the two countries. The objective is to develop a joint agenda of international cooperation South-South, that improves its strengths to the balanced development of their economies. Considering it, this job is divided into three parts: Start with the introductory part including the background to be considered to elaborate the strategic agenda, the justification of the research, conceptual framework, objectives, methodology and a diagnostic which contains Nicaragua's general information. The second part contains an economic, social, and productive analysis which includes economic indicators that show the economic, social and political situation as well as the following matrixes: productive, energy and knowledge. Finally, the third part describes the international relations, geopolitics and a foreign policy agenda between Nicaragua and Ecuador. Additionally, it has been possible to establish some important axes that represent great opportunities to achieve a solid and prosperous international cooperation which are focused on the benefits that give the ALBA-TCP as an international organization of a regional order, to consolidate the regional integration and to promote de ambitious projects called "grannacionales". It is also important, the construction of the Inter-Oceanic Canal of Nicaragua as a big project which contributes significantly to the region. The international cooperation for the development will be crucial in several sectors, such as: political, energetic, productive, educational, scientific and technological; as well as the strengthening existing cooperation and bilateral relations. ; El presente trabajo intenta establecer de forma general los ejes estratégicos de las relaciones bilaterales entre Nicaragua y Ecuador, los cuales sirvan para determinar las perspectivas y desafíos a futuro, con base en un diagnóstico actual de las relaciones existentes entre ambos países. Lo que se busca es concebir una agenda conjunta de cooperación internacional Sur-Sur, que tienda a potenciar sus fortalezas hacia el desarrollo equilibrado de sus economías. En tal sentido el estudio se ha dividido en tres partes. Inicia con la parte introductoria que incluye los antecedentes a tomar en cuenta para la elaboración de una agenda estratégica, la justificación de la investigación, el marco conceptual, los objetivos, la metodología y un diagnóstico del país que contiene información general de Nicaragua. La segunda parte continúa con el desarrollo de un análisis económico, social y productivo, que incluye en su mayoría el estudio de indicadores económicos que reflejan la situación económica, social y política, así como de las matrices productiva, energética y del conocimiento del país. Finalmente, la tercera parte contempla el estudio de las relaciones internacionales, de geopolítica y una agenda de política exterior entre Nicaragua y Ecuador. Adicionalmente, a lo largo del desarrollo del trabajo se han podido establecer ciertos ejes importantes que representan grandes oportunidades para alcanzar una cooperación internacional próspera y sólida, los cuales se centran en las coyunturas que brinda el ALBA-TCP como organismo internacional de orden regional, que permita consolidar la integración regional y encausar los ambiciosos proyectos denominados "gran nacionales". También es importante la construcción del Gran Canal Interoceánico de Nicaragua como la mega obra que contribuya al desarrollo significativo y conjunto de la región. La cooperación internacional para el desarrollo será crucial en varios sectores como el político, energético, productivo, educativo, científico y tecnológico; así como el fortalecimiento de la cooperación y relaciones bilaterales existentes.

Before 1991, the states of Central Asia were marginal backwaters, republics of the Soviet Union that played neither a major role in the Cold War relations between the U.S.S.R. and the United States, nor in the Soviet Union's relations with the principal regional powers of Turkey, Iran, and China. But in the 1990s, the dissolution of the Soviet Union coincided with rediscovery of the energy resources of the Caspian Sea, attracting a wide range of international oil companies, including American majors, to the region. Eventually, the Caspian Basin became a point of tension in U.S.-Russian relations. In addition, Central Asia emerged as a zone of conflict between the regional and cross-regional powers. The events of 11 September, 2001 and the terrorist groups operating in Afghanistan brought Central Asia to the forefront of U.S. attention. The growing importance of natural gas imports to today's economies is compelling the world community to think anew about energy security. The pipeline from Turkmenistan to Pakistan through Afghanistan was first proposed in the mid-1990s when America's Unocal-led energy consortium and Argentina's Brides Company vied to sign a deal with the Taliban government in power at that time in Kabul. However, security considerations combined with international condemnation of the Taliban human rights abuses prompted both companies to pull out, leaving the project in the lurch. After the end of the Taliban regime, the idea was revived, and the three countries (Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Turkmenistan) signed a new agreement at the end of 2002. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) conducted a feasibility study of the project and rendered a favorable verdict in 2005. Although a framework agreement on development of the project was signed by the heads of the three governments only in December 2002, the Asian Development Bank remains committed to the idea of building a 1,600-km gas pipeline connecting Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. In April 2008, the three countries were joined by India to implement the same expanded project that became known as the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline. Finally, on 11 December, 2010, after nearly two years of intergovernmental deliberations, the Presidents of Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan, and India's Energy Minister signed a framework agreement at a summit in Ashghabad to build the 1,680-kilometer pipeline. It envisages constructing 1,680 km of pipeline with a total gas capacity of 90 million standard cubic meters per day (mscm/d). Some of this amount will be bought by Afghanistan. The TAPI project is expected to start in 2012 and should come on stream by 2016. The proposed pipeline will stretch from Turkmenistan's gas fields and travel 1,680 km through Turkmenistan (145 km), Afghanistan (735 km), and Pakistan (800 km), before culminating at the Indian border town of Fazilka in Punjab. Annually, the pipeline will carry roughly 33 billion cubic meter of natural gas to consumers. In addition to providing clean energy, it will generate huge amounts of revenue and create employment opportunities for the people of the region. TAPI is seen a convergence of interests, both of the great powers, as well as of the regional players. The United States, for example, is propounding the project as "magic glue" that will bind the warring factions and their regional proxies into an interdependent cooperative framework. The U.S. hopes that TAPI will in all likelihood wean India away from the Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline that runs from Iran's South Pars gas complex in the Persian Gulf. In addition to further isolating Iran, the resultant interdependence and benefits of cooperation might act as a catalyst for peace between India and Pakistan. Geopolitics of energy will ultimately become a significant and major policy topic as the increasing competition for access to limited resources alters the global economy.

HEGEMONİK İSTİKRAR TEORİSİ ÇERÇEVESİNDE DÜNYA EKONOMİSİNİN YENİDEN ŞEKİLLENDİRİLMESİ VE TÜRKİYE'NİN BU SÜREÇTEKİ YERİ VE KATKISIÖZETOrtadoğu ve Avrasya coğrafyası sahip olduğu petrol ve doğalgaz potansiyeli itibariyle dünya ülkelerine en önemli petrol ve doğalgaz sağlayıcısı durumundadır. Bu nedenle tarih boyunca dünya devletlerinin ilgisini çekmiştir. Global rekabetin yaşandığı bu coğrafyanın ortasında kalan Türkiye ise, söz konusu enerji kaynaklarının iletiminde aracılık rolü ile hem bölgesinde ekonomik güç olma yolunda önemli bir politika kozunu elinde tutabilecek, hem de jeopolitik önemini artırma açısından önemli bir fırsatı yakalamış olacaktır. Bu bağlamda, tezde, uluslararası ilişkilerin ve global politik ekonominin önemli teorilerinden biri olan Hegemonik İstikrar Teorisi çerçevesinde dünya ekonomisi yeniden şekillendirilmesi sürecinde, bir yandan Türkiye'nin bu süreçteki rolü ve sürece katkısı diğer yandan sürecin, Türkiye üzerindeki iktisadi ve siyasi etkileri incelenmiştir.Tezde ulaşılan temel sonuç, konumu itibariyle dünya petrol ve doğal gaz rezervlerinin ve geçiş yollarının üzerinde bulunan Türkiye'nin siyasi ve iktisadi olarak sürdürülebilir bir istikrara sahip olması, sadece Türkiye için değil, fakat aynı zamanda bölgede ve enerji kaynakları üzerinde söz sahibi olmak isteyen ülkeler için de son derece büyük önem arz etmektedir. Bu kapsamda özellikle 11 Eylül saldırılarından sonraki dönem değerlendirildiğinde, Türkiye'nin ekonomik ve siyasi olarak önceki dönemlere göre daha istikrarlı olduğu görülmektedir. Son yaşanan kriz dönemine kadar uluslararası doğrudan yatırımlar ve portföy yatırımları sürekli artan şekilde Türkiye'ye gelmiş ve Türkiye hızlı bir büyüme sürecine girmiştir. Sonuç olarak, Türkiye'nin sürdürülebilir siyasi ve ekonomik istikrara sahip olması, hem Türkiye'nin uluslararası ekonomik ve siyasi ilişkilerdeki rolü hem de sürdürülebilir ekonomik büyümesi için büyük önem arz etmektedir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Realizm, Hegemonya, Hegemonik İstikrar Teorisi, Enerji Politikaları, Büyük Ortadoğu ProjesiRESHAPING THE WORLD ECONOMY IN THE CONTEXT OF HEGEMONIC STABILITY THEORY AND UNDERSTANDING THE POSITION AND THE CONTRIBUTION OF TURKEY WITHIN THIS PERIODABSTRACTMiddle East and Eurasia have a position of the most important petroleum and natural gas suppliers to the world thanks to their geopolitics which has great potential power of petroleum and natural gas. That's why, Middle East and Eurasia have attracted attention to the world states throughout history. Turkey staying in the middle of the geography where global competition happens will have a chance not only in the way of having economical power in her region but also in the way of increasing her geopolitical prominence by taking intermediary role for transfer of energy resources. In this context, in the thesis, in the process of reshaping the world economy in the context of Hegemonic Stability Theory which is one of the most important theory of international relations and global political economy, it is investigated, on the one hand, the position and the contribution of Turkey to the processes and on the other hand, economical and political effects of the processes on Turkey are investigated.Main result of the thesis is that Turkey having sustainable economic and political stability -located on the ways of petroleum and natural gas reserves and the transition due to its geographic location- is very important not only for Turkey but also the countries aiming a voice in the region and on the energy resources. In this context, when analysing the period after 11 September attacks, it is observed that Turkey is much more stable in terms of economical and political structure than former terms. The foreign direct investments and portfolio investments inflows steadily increased in Turkey until the last stage of recession and now Turkey is in a fast development period. As a result, Turkey having sustainable economic and political stability is very important for both the position of Turkey in the international economic and political relationships and sustainable economic growth.Key Words: Realism, Hegemony, Hegemonic Stability Theory, Energy Policies, Greater Middle East Initiative

The phenomenon of globalization, complex and changing, has greatly impacted in all areas, no doubt, but conceptual understanding is made difficult by its very nature. Among the most outstanding efforts and recognized its conceptual approach highlights the Kenichi Ohmae, who has summarized the characteristics, distinctive characteristics and trends of globalization on political and economic aspects. In this preliminary report describes an exploratory investigation of patterns and trends identified by Ohmae, and compared with the observations of researchers on the global and national reality in this reality by projecting the trends presented by Ohmae. Ohmae Indicates that the main protagonists in the global scene have changed, with the disappearance or "reinvention" of national states, and the emergence "States region." also reduced state intervention in economic decisions, this also being a hallmark of globalization in economics, said the three most important features of the global economy, which are to be boundless, to be invisible and earnings multiply. According to Ohmae, the platforms of globalization are: the English language, the Windows operating system, the U.S. dollar and trademarks, and, secondly, the new corporate culture, ATM networks and electronic transactions. Emphasis on the "cibercontinente" as the new "place" of the economy, instead physical economy. Made by trends in economic Ohmae 2005 have been denied by the reality of the American financial crisis of 2008, and its challenge to the dollar system, and factors Ohmae aside, such as geopolitics and drug trafficking, but also the emergence of national statescontinent nations such as China, India and Russia are gaining strength in some cases for and others against the grain of the trends identified. ; El fenómeno de la globalización, complejo y cambiante, ha impactado grandemente en todos los ámbitos, indudablemente, pero su comprensión conceptual se hace difícil, por sus propias características. Entre los esfuerzos más saltantes y reconocidos de su enfoque conceptual resalta el de Kenichi Ohmae, quien ha sintetizado las características, notas distintivas y tendencias de la globalización en sus aspectos político y económico. En este informe preliminar de una investigación exploratoria se describe las características y tendencias señaladas por Ohmae, y se las compara con las observaciones de los investigadores sobre el ámbito global y la realidad nacional, proyectando en esta realidad las tendencias presentadas por Ohmae. Señala que los principales protagonistas en la escena global han cambiado; con la desaparición o "reinvención" de los Estados nacionales, y la aparición de los "Estados región"; también se ha reducido la intervención del Estado en las decisiones económicas, siendo también esta una nota distintiva de la globalización. En lo económico, señala las tres características más importantes de la economía global, que son no tener fronteras, ser invisible y manejarse con ganancias que se multiplican. Según Ohmae, las plataformas de la globalización, son: la lengua inglesa, el sistema operativo Windows, el dólar norteamericano y las marcas, y, en segundo lugar, la nueva cultura empresarial, las redes de cajeros electrónicos, y las transacciones electrónicas. Enfatiza en el "cibercontinente", como el nuevo "lugar" de la economía, desplazando en importancia a la economía física. Las tendencias formuladas por Ohmae en lo económico el 2005 han sido negadas por la realidad de las crisis financiera norteamericana de 2008, y su reto al sistema del dólar, y los factores que Ohmae deja de lado, como la geopolítica y el narcotráfico, pero también la irrupción de los estados nacionales de pueblos-continente como China, India y Rusia están tomando fuerza, en algunos casos a favor y en otros contrapuestos a las tendencias esbozadas.

A matriz econômica e política latinoamericana e caribenha, está dividida internamente pela emergência de blocos supranacionais que cobram nova projeção geopolítica, mediante negociações entre espaços e âmbitos do poder centro-periferia. Implementam-se, a partir daí, estratégias que influem na nova configuração do sistema-mundo. Neste artigo, identificam-se os Estados-nação com capacidade de projetar-se como uma semi-periferia ativa. O México tem por objetivo reforçar a estratégia da América do Norte e coloca-se como semiperiferia subalterna. O Brasil projeta-se como uma semiperiferia com aspirações de potência global Sul-Norte, que questiona e redefine sua relação com os poderes centrais mundiais. A emergência de uma semiperiferia anti-hegemônica é comandada pela Venezuela, mediante uma ativa política internacional Sul-Sul. Simultaneamente, emergem novos atores alter-mundistas que não se limitam ao mapa de governos nacionais de "esquerda", mas portam um imaginário social alternativo e anti-hegemônica do Sistema-Mundo.

El sistema mundial se encuentra en plena transición histórico-espacial. La crisis de hegemonía se refleja en un conjunto de conflictos en donde los poderes dominantes no logran imponerse, como también en el cambio en las jerarquías del sistema interestatal y en las profundas transformaciones de la economía mundial. Frente a esta situación, surgen distintas respuestas imperiales y se profundiza la polarización entre proyectos políticos estratégicos en Estados Unidos, al calor de una fractura en su "establishment". En este sentido, en el presente ensayo se examinan aspectos centrales de la geopolítica y de las estrategias en disputa en los Estados Unidos frente al ascenso de China y al declive de su poder relativo. Desde esta perspectiva, se analizan las reconfiguraciones imperiales en marcha a partir del triunfo de Donald Trump, cuando se produce un giro nacionalista-americanista contrario a las fuerzas globalistas. Además, se observan elementos clave del ascenso de China, sus aspectos geopolíticos y sus respuestas frente a las geoestrategias dominantes de Washington. Una de las conclusiones a las que se arriba en la investigación es que el giro nacionalista-americanista puede favorecer el ascenso de China, a la vez que profundiza la crisis del orden mundial. ; O sistema mundial está em plena transição histórico-espacial. A crise da hegemonia se reflete em um conjunto de conflitos em que os poderes dominantes deixam de se impor, bem como na mudança nas hierarquias do sistema interestatal e nas profundas transformações da economia mundial. Diante dessa situação, surgem diferentes respostas imperiais e se aprofunda a polarização entre projetos políticos estratégicos nos Estados Unidos, no calor de uma fratura em seu " establishment ". Nesse sentido, este ensaio examina aspectos centrais da geopolítica e as estratégias em disputa nos Estados Unidos diante da ascensão da China e do declínio de seu poder relativo. Nesta perspectiva, são analisadas as reconfigurações imperiais em andamento desde a vitória de Donald Trump, quando há uma virada nacionalista-americana ao contrário das forças globalistas. Além disso, são observados os principais elementos da ascensão da China, seus aspectos geopolíticos e suas respostas às geoestratégias dominantes de Washington. Uma das conclusões alcançadas na investigação é que a virada nacionalista-americanista pode favorecer a ascensão da China, aprofundando a crise da ordem ; The world system is in historical-spatial transition. The crisis of hegemony is reflected in a set of conflicts in which the dominant powers fail to impose themselves, as well as in the change in the hierarchies of the interstate system and in the profound transformations of the world economy. Faced with this situation, different imperial responses arise and the polarization between strategic political projects in the United States deepens, in relation to a fracture in its "establishment". In this sense, this article examines central aspects of geopolitics and the disputed strategies in the United States against the rise of China and the decline of its relative power. From this perspective, we analyze the imperial reconfigurations underway since the triumph of Donald Trump, when there is a nationalist-Americanist turn, contrary to globalist forces. In addition, key elements of China's rise, its geopolitical aspects and its responses to the dominant geostrategies of Washington are observed. One of the conclusions reached in the investigation is that the nationalist-Americanist turn can favor the rise of China, while deepening the crisis of the world order. ; Fil: Merino, Gabriel Esteban. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina