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America is at an unprecedented time with self-determination for Black women, and this phase of the movement is reverberating throughout this nation and around the world. There is no confusion for those who identify as Black women that this movement is perpetual, dating back to the enslavement of Black people in America by act and by law. One need only look to the intersecting crises of 2020 to discern the reality of Black women's—and by extension the Black community and by further extension individuals and groups marginalized, subordinated, and oppressed by white patriarchy—perpetual struggle for civil and human rights. To appreciate the genealogy of this perpetual struggle for civil and human rights, it is instructive to look back on the 100th Anniversary of the 19th Amendment and to be immersed in the stories and the legacies of Black women suffragists to gain insights about modern contestations against limiting the franchise. In the forming of this nation, Black women were intentionally excluded and erased from conceptions of humanity. This exclusion and erasure of Black women's voices and contributions from the annals of social, political, and economic movements throughout history, such as abolitionist and women's suffrage movements, tarnish the legitimacy of our democratic institutions, our laws, and our collective progress toward equality. This article centers Black women's lived experiences in the struggle for universal suffrage while also leading and supporting their communities in the fight against racial inequality and oppression. By making the sojourn through history using the lens of Black women, an opening is created to understand the perpetuation of racial injustice and oppression through the practices of withholding citizenship and the franchise. It also offers a window into the expertise and resilience of Black women in building and maintaining relationships, alliances, and coalitions to press for the larger vision of universal suffrage, even when their putative partners choose self-interest over ...

This paper examines inequalities between white and black and brown populations in Brazil within occupations that require university degree. The main result confirms that once reached the university degree, blacks/brown usually obtain smaller but comparable income to that of whites. Although some racial discrimination in labor market may exist, such result corroborates other studies that identify schooling differentials as the main reason for the high income inequality found in Brazil.

A call from the Klan -- Jackie Robinson and Black Panthers -- I'm the voice, you're the face -- My new friend David -- Firemen and brimstone -- Part of our posse -- KKKolorado -- Induction -- Duke of Colorado -- Rocky Mountain fortress -- Up in smoke -- Afterword

Aspects of behaviour and social organization in the black swan are outlined and discussed. There
is a high degree of flexibility and individualism in social relationships during breeding, which is considered
to be of significance in the ecology of the species.

Since the creation of the Louisiana Legislative Black Caucus in 1977, the number of black lawmakers in the Louisiana Legislature has increased; however, on many of the socioeconomic indicators, the condition of their constituents has failed to improve. In The Louisiana Legislative Black Caucus, Jas M. Sullivan and Jonathan Winburn analyze the evolution of the LLBC and examine its current state, raising critical questions as to the effectiveness and limitations of this body of minority legislators.

In an up‐to‐date account of the black labour movement in South Africa, Webster argues that the unions have made significant industrial advances in the period since their legal registration. He argues, however, that from the point of view of the state the process of recognition accorded to the collective bargaining system will provide an inadequate means of incorporating black workers without the granting of political rights. As this is still so far from the reform agenda (particularly, we may add, in the wake of the recent all‐white general election), the unions are bound to seek to short‐circuit the 'reform' process by adding to its industrial face, the face of democratic and representative politics. The author assesses how far the creation of the Congress of South African Trade unions can meet this double role.

In recent decades, an increasing number of Latin American countries have included ethnoracial questions on their censuses, giving rise to unprecedented data on monoracial and multiracial forms of classification. In Mexico, the government launched a count of its black population for the first time in the nation's history in 2015, in addition to its long-standing practice of enumerating its indigenous population. Most recently in 2018, it conducted a survey, again asking about both black and indigenous identification. Within this short time span, the black population grew from 1.8 percent to 5.9 percent, becoming a sizable, statistically visible minority. A large majority of black individuals also identified as indigenous, revealing an important form of dual-minority multiracialism. In this article, we analyze these unprecedented data, detailing the size, composition, and growth of these populations. We use the Mexican case to illustrate the potential implications of measuring ethnoracial inequality using single- versus dual-category approaches. We find that black disadvantage is considerably more pronounced when explicitly allowing for multiracial classification. Methodologically, our findings contribute to nascent conversations about how to incorporate the new social and statistical realities of multiracialism in inequality analyses. Theoretically, we expand the multiracialism literature from its traditional focus on part-white mixtures, to a focus on overlapping minority classification. Finally, we build on theories of intersectionality, which generally focus on intersections of oppression across multiple "master statuses" (e.g., race, class, and gender), by also examining intersecting oppressions within the single master status of race.

Antony Black argues that Christian republicanism was one of the discourses at work in framing the history of Western republican thought. But he neglects to confront the theoretically unique character of the Christian approach to republican institutions. First, Christian republicanism derived from more general beliefs about the divinely ordained organic structure of the universe. Second, it evinced no necessary hostility toward monarchic rule; indeed, quite to the contrary, its cosmological premise of organic hierarchy supported the office of the king (whether papal or secular). Once these elements of Christian republicanism are supplied, the medieval contribution to the history of republican ideas takes on a complexion very different from that described by Black.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- 1. Why Look at Black Men in Interracial Relationships? -- 2. What's New and What's Not about Blacks and Interracial Intimacy -- 3. The Men Who Were Interviewed for This Study -- 4. Theories of Interracial Intimate Relationships -- 5. Beauty in the Eye of the Beholder and According to the Media -- 6. The Different Types of Interracial Relationships with Black Men -- 7. Challenges in Dealing with Other People's Reactions -- 8. Perceptions of Race Relations in Today's Society -- 9. Explanations for Challeges that Were Linked to Mates' Race and Ethnicity -- 10. The Future, Children, and More -- Bibliography -- Index

Miller reviews 'White Man's Justice: South African political trials in the black consciousness era' by Michael Lobban.

As the social and political transformations observed in the modern world have recently made current the issue of formation of new geopolitical regions, the Baltic – Black Sea Area deserves particular attention because the geopolitical status of this junction territory still remains questionable. The geopolitical boundaries of the Baltic – Black Sea Area are constantly changing not only functionally, but also structurally, which is why it can be considered as a specific geopolitical formation located at the junction of the two geopolitical mega-regions of Western Europe and Northern Eurasia. This area is highly fragmented and still undergoing very painful political, cultural, and economic transformations. The power competition between Russia, NATO and the EU, as well as the region's historical legacy have determined the path of its development. As a result, the Baltic – Black Sea Area does not have any system of political division or economic management, but close connections between the countries located there and many spheres of their common interest promote comprehensive cooperation and dialogue on a variety of issues. If their cooperation leads to multilateral relationships based on the principle of the sovereign equality of states which are trying to expand the scope of their collaboration and limit the scope of confrontation, they could organize a system of complementary elements which provide synergies and ensure the existence of the Baltic – Black Sea Area as a geopolitical reality.