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Exploiting differences in occupation status in East Germany in the last days of World War II and shortly thereafter, we find that regions which - due to their occupation status - experienced a drastic supply problem caused by the influx of great numbers of refugees fleeing from the Red Army in 1945 had a disproportionate increase in AfD votes from 2013 to 2017. We conclude that the "refugee crisis" in 2015, which dominated the campaign of the federal elections in 2017 and is considered as main determinant of voting for the AfD, activated the collective memory of this long-gone historic event and thereby shaped the current political landscape.

Vehicle taxation based on CO2 emissions is increasingly being adopted worldwide in order to shift consumer purchases to low-carbon cars, yet little is known about the effectiveness and overall economic impact of these schemes. We focus on feebate schemes, which impose a fee on high-carbon vehicles and give a rebate to purchasers of low-carbon automobiles. e estimate a discrete choice model of demand for automobiles in Germany and simulate the impact of alternative feebate schemes on emissions, consumer welfare, public revenues and firm profits. The analysis shows that a well-designed scheme can lead to emission reductions without reducing overall welfare.

Because borders alone cannot stop irregular migration, the European Union is turning more and more to internal control measures. Through surveillance, member states aim to exclude irregular migrants from societal institutions, thereby discouraging their stay or deporting those who are apprehended. And yet, states cannot expel immigrants who remain anonymous. Identification has thus become key. Breaking Down Anonymity shows how digital surveillance is becoming a prime instrument of identification and exclusion policies towards irregular migrants. To support this claim, the study charts policy developments in Germany and the Netherlands. It analyses both countries' labour market controls as well as their detention and expulsion practices. Also examined is the development of several new EU migration databases. Spanning the Continent, these information systems create a new European Union frontier - one that is digital, biometric and ever-strengthening

Using new and unique linked employer-employee data from Germany, I examine the extent to which immigrants sort into worse-paying establishments and worse job positions within establishments. The results demonstrate that recent immigrants are particularly likely to work at low-paying workplaces. Similarly, when examining job positions within establishments, I find that immigrants are employed in lower hierarchical positions. Both the non-random sorting across establishments and the hierarchical sorting within establishments explain much of the immigrant-native wage differential. Policy measures designed to address the wage differential should therefore address immigrants' access to well-paying workplaces and job positions. With respect to career development, immigrant participation in performance assessments is low, and immigrants feel disadvantaged in personnel decisions, which in turn might be relevant channels that explain immigrants' under-representation in well-paid positions. ; Unter Verwendung des neuen Linked Personnel Panels (LPP) untersuche ich das Ausmaß der Beschäftigung von Migranten in schlecht bezahlenden Betrieben und Jobs. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass insbesondere kürzlich migrierte Personen in schlechter bezahlenden Betrieben arbeiten. In Bezug auf die Job-Hierarchie zeigt sich, dass Migranten in niedrigeren Positionen beschäftigt sind. Lohnregressionen ergeben den Befund, dass die negative Selektion in schlechter bezahlte Jobs und zu schlechter bezahlenden Arbeitgebern einen großen Anteil des Lohnunterschieds zwischen Migranten und Deutschen erklärt. Politikmaßnahmen sollten daher an beiden Dimensionen ansetzen, um eine bessere Integration zu gewährleisten. Vertiefende Analysen hinsichtlich der Personalführung zeigen, dass Migranten seltener an einem Beurteilungsgespräch teilnehmen und sich bei Personalentscheidungen benachteiligt fühlen. Diese Befunde können somit einen relevanten Erklärungsansatz für die niedrige Repräsentation in hohen Positionen darstellen.

This article explores the policies of Nazi Germany towards the Karaites, a group of Jewish ancestry which emerged during the seventh to the ninth centuries CE, when its followers rejected the mainstream Jewish interpretation of Tanakh. Karaite communities flourished in Persia, Turkey, Egypt, Crimea, and Lithuania. From 1938 to 1944, the Nazi bureaucracy and scholarship examined the question of whether the Karaites were of Jewish origin, practiced Judaism and had to be treated as Jews. Because of its proximity to Judenpolitik and later to the Muslim factor, the subject got drawn into the world of Nazi grand policy and became the instrument of internecine power struggles between various agencies in Berlin. The Muslim factor in this context is construed as German cultivation of a special relationship with the Muslim world with an eye to political dividends in the Middle East and elsewhere. Nazi views of the Karaites' racial origin and religion played a major role in their policy towards the group. However, as the tides of the war turned against the Germans, various Nazi agencies demonstrated growing flexibility either to re-tailor the Karaites' racial credentials or to entirely gloss over them in the name of "national interests," i.e. a euphemism used to disguise Nazi Germany's overtures to the Muslim world.

ABSTRACTExamination of writings about British cities that appeared in Germany between the mid-1830s and 1914 runs counter to emphasis either on German anti-urbanism or on growing hostility among Germans to their neighbours across the North Sea. Although it takes into account strong disparagement of flaws and failings that had, in the view of critics, resulted from the chaotic nature of urban growth in Britain, it points to increasing recognition – particularly after mid-century – of efforts to ameliorate conditions about which critics had complained. Much of what was singled out for commendation involved voluntary efforts by men and women who sought to improve working-class life via philanthropic uplift. During the 1850s and 1860s, the conservative social reformer Victor Aimé Huber sang the praises of the co-operative movement, both from an economic and from a moral standpoint. Later on, other observers, such as the liberal economist Gerhart Schulze-Gävernitz, lauded the most famous of the British settlement houses, Toynbee Hall in East London, on account of the activities it promoted in the area of adult education. Favourable commentary on municipal government rounded out a picture of the urban scene as a sphere in which local forces exemplified a spirit of civic-mindedness that ought to inspire admiration rather than enmity.

A Populist newspaper in North Carolina commented in 1890 that agrarian unrest was common just about everywhere, in "high tariff and low tariff" countries as well as in "monarchies, empires, and republics." Historians of this discontent have neglected the international dimension of protest that was so striking at the time. The countries that produced the most vigorous agrarian movements, Germany and the United States, have been especially well protected from the scrutiny of comparison. One reason for this neglect is that scholars in both countries emphasize their nations' peculiarities and capacity to make their own histories. The most influential study of American Populism, for instance, is still John D. Hicks' The Populist Revolt (1931). Hicks ascribed the movement to the closure of the frontier, the "safety valve" once thought to be the special feature of American history. Most scholars today reject the "Turner thesis," but continue to see populism as uniquely democratic. Just as American Populists have been celebrated as "good guys," German agrarian leaders have been demonized. The marked anti-Semitic aspect of agrarian movements in the 1890s has led historians to link them more or less directly to national socialism, the arguably unique "outcome" of German history. Whatever the sources of this exceptionalism, the constrained view has distorted the understanding of a crucial historical conjuncture.

Compares the anti-Semitism of Nazi Germany & the antiblack racism of apartheid South Africa to better understand the political & cultural circumstances that allowed them to flourish. Apartheid is described as rational racism introduced by the minority regime to prevent seizure of power by the majority; however, irrational anti-Semitic fascism was developed by Nazis who set out to systematically eliminate designated minorities that had no political agenda. The civil war in South Africa had clearly defined opponents, but the struggle in Nazi Germany existed primarily in the minds of anti-Semites. The development & perception of anti-Semitic & antiblack stereotypes are discussed. It is argued that anti-Semitism relied on sociopsychological factors, but economic & political constraints were the driving force of antiblack racism in the colonies. In the end, the irrational Nazi ideology contained the seeds that led to its destruction, while rational colonial racism adapted to new realties. J. Lindroth