Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- CONTENTS -- Acknowledgments -- INTRODUCTION -- CHAPTER 1 Sociability -- CHAPTER 2 History and the Family -- CHAPTER 3 The State without Sovereignty -- CHAPTER 4 Rousseau's Return to Hobbes -- CHAPTER 5 Adam Smith's Political Theory of Opinion -- CHAPTER 6 Alternatives and Applications -- Index

Letter from Major Modesto C. Yepiz to Gen. Alvaro Obregón requesting to certify his record of military services. Reply enclosing a certificate. / Carta del Mayor Modesto C. Yepiz al Gral. Alvaro Obregón pidiéndole certifique su hoja de servicios militares. Respuesta anexando certificado.

The causes and consequences of nuclear proficiency are central to important questions in international relations. At present, researchers tend to use observable characteristics as a proxy. However, aggregation is a problem: existing measures implicitly assume that each indicator is equally informative and that measurement error is not a concern. We overcome these issues by applying a statistical measurement model to directly estimate nuclear proficiency from observed indicators. The resulting estimates form a new dataset on nuclear proficiency which we call ν-CLEAR. We demonstrate that these estimates are consistent with known patterns of nuclear proficiency while also uncovering more nuance than existing measures. Additionally, we demonstrate how scholars can use these estimates to account for measurement error by revisiting existing results with our measure.

AbstractIn mid-2011, the Florida state legislature passed House Bill 1355 (HB 1355) and in so doing placed new regulations on community organizations that historically have helped eligible Floridians register to vote. Among the legal changes promulgated by this bill were new regulations on the operations of groups like the League of Women Voters and a new oath, warning of prison time and fines, that voter registration agents were required to sign. Such changes raised the implicit costs that eligible Florida citizens faced when registering to vote, and we show that voter registrations across the state in the second half of 2011 dropped precipitously compared with registrations in the second half of 2007. This pattern is evident among registrants in general, among registrants age 20 and younger, and among individuals who registered as Democrats. Outside of HB 1355, we know of no credible explanations for these results. Our findings thus show how restrictions on the way that third-party organizations register voters can have tangible effects on actual registrations. Given that registration prior to an election is a civic necessity in Florida and in many other states, such restrictions have the potential to affect electoral outcomes as well.