Suchergebnisse

Despite considerable scholarly and popular interest in the International Brigades, which fought on the side of the Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War of 1936–9, traditional approaches centred on 'national' contingents of foreign volunteers have left significant gaps in historical knowledge. In particular, relations between the foreign volunteers and their Spanish hosts have received little attention, even though these relationships were fundamental to the everyday experience of volunteering, as well as affecting the International Brigades' cohesion during their time in Spain. This account introduces a range of new archival material relating to the English-speaking XV International Brigade, arguing that pervasive structural and cultural factors led to a complex and variable set of outcomes that defy binary categorisation. In doing so, this study contributes to an emerging new literature on transnational approaches to the Spanish Civil War and interwar anti-fascisms, as well as comparative approaches to foreign fighter mobilisations.

Large sectors of the Kurdish movement in Turkey have progressively come to discuss, develop and/or endorse models of so-called "democratic autonomy". While there are several works in the field detailing and critiquing Turkey's policies vis-à-vis the Kurds, the international legal dimension of the Kurdish democratic autonomy proposal in its own right has received far less attention to date. The present article seeks to fill this gap by reflecting upon the internal coherence and consistency of the democratic autonomy argument in light of international law standards and practice, with particular reference to internal self-determination in Turkey. I argue that any future settlement of the Kurdish question will require not only Turkey's compliance with its own human rights obligations, but also the Kurdish movement's ability to negotiate the accommodation of its aspirations in ways that are consistent with international human rights law.

To a layman in law, the on-going ICC cases and the politics around them is a sign of desperation when it concerns the process of criminal justice. Little do we know that every law must have its philosophy and principles that make it deal with the questions of justice in the real time. The challenges facing the International Criminal Court (ICC) today are ordinary and within the expectations of international lawyers, scholars and drafters of the Rome Statute. The creation of the ICC took the world a very long time due to its affinity with national and international politics, and diplomatic relations. At the same time the need to have an effective international criminal judicial system was due and the time to establish the Court was ripe enough. The reason is that many persons continue to lose their lives in what would be considered as abuse of human rights and fundamental freedoms of persons. Those who appreciate and glorify the work of the ICC also question the rationale behind the States that have not acceded to the Rome Statute, yet they commit crimes. At the same time some States feel oppressed and subjected to international criminal audit against their will. Such tensions and doubts are answered in the reflections highlighted in this article

Despite the high seriousness and obviously increasing importance of international politics in our time, something recognizable as a philosophy of the subject, in the view of some scholars, has not yet succeeded in emerging from the demise of "banal" positivism. This lamentable and barely explicable state of affairs has led several philosophically inclined scholars to urge the search for a philosophy of international relations. The form, scope and content of the proposed philosophy have received less attention; the philosophers in question have been content to limit their philosophical inquiry to a species of historical-philosophical archaeology consisting of, for example, the uncovering of Kant's conception of philosophical reason as it relates to international relations or, the recovery of "the just war for classical theory" or, the discovery tout court of a conception of "justice" for international relations. Without putting such indispensable efforts at risk or preempting the results of such scholarship, I see two obstacles to their success. First, there has been little or no comparable effort directed toward indicating, except in highly schematic form, what any such philosophy might consist in and, secondly, it is still unclear what relationship there could be between any such proposed philosophy and alternative conceptions of international relations such as empirical systems theory.

AbstractResearch Question/IssueThis study examines the relationship between boardroom gender diversity reforms (BGDRs) and corporate voluntary disclosure in the form of management earnings forecasts (MEFs) in a sample of 43 countries over the period 2000 to 2020.Research Findings/InsightsTaking advantage of the staggered adoption of the gender diversity reforms that aim to improve women's representation on boards, we find that firms exhibit a greater propensity for and frequency of issuing MEFs. These findings hold for both governance‐based and legislation‐based reforms but are stronger for the latter. Furthermore, we find stronger results (a) when female directors possess higher financial expertise and serve on board sub‐committees, (b) when board activity (meetings and attendance) improved following BGDRs, (c) for firms that had all‐male boards before the reforms and where gender diversity increased shortly after the reforms, and (d) for countries with greater legal enforcement and gender equality. Our findings are robust using the stacked difference‐in‐differences approach and alternative samples, models, and fixed effects. In addition, we find that, after the reforms, there is an increase in the forecast horizon, forecast width, bad news disclosure, accuracy, and the number of disaggregated forecast items.Theoretical/Academic ImplicationsOur study provides the first international and comprehensive evidence of the positive role of board gender reforms in the corporate information environment and offers vital policy implications.Practitioner/Policy ImplicationsOur study informs the ongoing debate regarding the effectiveness of and business case for gender diversity reforms. By documenting a causal link between BGDRs and voluntary disclosure, our study provides important implications for policymakers, regulators, investors, and top management teams.

This book analyzes in four parts constitutional problems of foreign trade policy and foreign trade law in "constitutional democracies" which protect fundamental human rights and effective political equality through constitutional restraints on the exercise of all government powers.

"This book serves as an introductory volume to Yair Aharoni's remarkable impact on international business (IB) research. Most IB researchers will be familiar with at least one aspect of his work, but relatively few will be familiar with his broader body of work, as it spans so many of the issues addressed today in IB and strategy. This book aims to introduce readers to the depth and breadth of his impact. Unquestionably a founder of the IB field, over the course of his long career, Aharoni influenced its earliest development and, driven by a deep connection to policy and managerial practice, continually challenged conventional thinking on IB and strategy. He generated seminal insights into many aspects of why and how firms internationalize, including managerial decision-making processes, the strategies employed by state-owned enterprises, the interaction between firms and governments, and the foreign expansion of firms - including small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and those operating in the service sector - based in small and open economies. His research contributed to several salient research directions, including the behavioral theory of the firm, emerging-market multinationals, international entrepreneurship, the service economy, and non-market strategies. Aharoni was also an influential educator, having served as the founding dean of two top business schools in Israel. He was deeply engaged with the Israeli business environment - particularly senior executives of start-up companies - and a highly-valued advisor to the Israeli government. In honor of these contributions, Aharoni was the first management scholar in Israel, to be awarded the prestigious Israel Prize in 2010. Few scholars have had such meaningful impact on research, practice, and policy."

Although international. law has figured prominently in many disputes around actions of the U.S. military, the precise relationship between international law and the President's war powers has gone largely unexplored. This Article seeks to clarify one important aspect of that relationship: the role of international law in determining the scope of Congress's general authorizations for the use of force. In the seminal case of Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, the plurality opinion used international law to interpret the authorization by Congress for the use of force, but did so without adequate attention to the content or interpretive function of international law. This Article identifies and defends a better approach: courts should presume that general authorizations for the use of force do not empower the President to violate international law. Such a presumption is consistent with long-standing tools of statutory interpretation reflected in the Charming Betsy canon, maximizes the presumed preferences of Congress, advances separation of powers values, and promotes normative values that favor the use of international law as an interpretive tool.

Vom Mare Balticum bis Übersee : Historisch-politische Bildung in unserer Zeit ; Internationales Kolloquium in Leck / BRD