Suchergebnisse

"The paper is based on two extensive field studies with Baloch groups in Afghanistan. While during the first research many Baloch groups were merging into a national movement based on ethnicity (Boedeker 2009), during the second stay, the movement had fallen apart into various groups based on tribal affiliations. This shift in social cohesion can be traced back on the Baloch concept of kaum that resembles the flexibility of social entities." (author's abstract)

US decline is a subject currently much in vogue, given the military debacles in Iraq and Afghanistan, combined with the financial crisis that has unfolded since 2007 and a clearly dysfunctional political system. The titles under review here place the current disarray in wider historical context while addressing particular features of US policy that have resulted in commonly acknowledged failure and which, cumulatively, have led to the present crisis of US global primacy. While implicit in the other titles, John McDermott's Restoring Democracy to America begins the hard work of explicitly formulating proposals for radical reform. However, given the depth of the plight and the scale of the tasks required to effect a sustainable solution, there is little warrant for optimism.

Pakistan liegt seit den Ereignissen im Iran und seit der sowjetischen Intervention in Afghanistan verstärkt im Interessenschnittpunkt der beiden Supermächte. Deshalb ist die zukünftige außenpolitische Orientierung Pakistans von besonderer Bedeutung. Bleibt es prowestlicher Flankenstaat mit guten Beziehungen zu gemäßigten arabischen Staaten und zu China, begrenzt es die Expansion der Sowjetunion nach Südasien. Passt es sich der Sowjetunion an, bleibt das nicht ohne Auswirkung auf das Kräfteverhältnis im Raum zwischen dem Persischen Golf und dem südasiatischen Subkontintent und auf die Sicherung der amerikanischen Interessen in der Region. Eine Entwicklung in diese Richtung konnte bisher nur durch eine flexible Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik verhindert werden. Dazu gehört auch im Sinne der Regierung in Islamabad die Bewahrung der nuklearen Option. (SWP-Hld)

Was religion a friend or foe in the post-conflict statebuilding endeavors of Iraq and Afghanistan? An under-explored area in academia and policy circles alike, religious institutions are important non-state actors that wield considerable influence and can draw upon extensive resources. In this book, Dragovic considers how the unique traits of religious institutions can make or break statebuilding efforts. But understanding how religious institutions can contribute does not explain why they would. Drawing from the theologies of Roman Catholicism and Sunni Islam, the book diverges from traditional approaches such as rational choice theory and instead embraces a teleological view recognizing the importance of belief in understanding a religious institution's motivations. Using the author's extensive experience as a practitioner, it then applies theory and theology to the practical case study of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Die Studie behandelt die Aktualität und die Grundlagen der sowjetischen Herausforderung: ihre ideologisch-politische Fundierung, die ökonomischen und technologischen Ressourcen der UdSSR, die Institutionen des Policy-Making, die Partei-Militär-Beziehungen, die militärischen Kapazitäten der UdSSR, die Entwicklung der Militär- und Nuklearkriegsstrategie, geheimdienstliche Aktivitäten sowie die begrenzte politische, ökonomische und militärische Souverenität der dependenten Staaten des Sowjetblocks. Perzeptionelle Analysen der Macht und des Einflusses der UdSSR befassen sich mit der Sicherheitsproblematik in Europa, mit der sowjetischen Perzeption der Lage im Mittleren Osten, in Afghanistan und in der Golfregion, mit dem Verhältnis zwischen Politik und Militär in der sowjetischen Machtelite, mit der Seemacht UdSSR sowie mit der Moral, Motivation und Führung der sowjetischen Streitkräfte. (BIOst-Klk)

The United Nations estimates that 30 per cent of all international development funding is lost to corruption. Identifying and understanding the dynamics of how such corruption occurs at the ground level could help to reduce opportunities for the diversion of funds from public purposes to private uses. An analysis of two highly publicized corruption cases in Kenya and one in Afghanistan identifies some common characteristics that may also be present in other cases around the world. The characteristics fall into four categories: (1) political, social, and cultural; (2) governance; (3) people; and (4) international. Different understandings of corruption, weak government and laws, illegitimate involvement of powerful politicians or their relatives, and ineffective international mechanisms for preventing corruption all contribute to the loss of development funding. The article describes these characteristics and discusses remedies for addressing them.

US Pres John F. Kennedy's skillful management of the Cuban missile crisis, 50 years ago this autumn, has been elevated into the central myth of the Cold War. At its core is the tale that, by virtue of US military superiority and his steely will, Kennedy forced Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev to capitulate and remove the nuclear missiles he had secretly deployed to Cuba. Kennedy's victory in the messy and inconclusive Cold War naturally came to dominate the politics of US foreign policy. What people came to understand about the Cuban missile crisis -- that JFK succeeded without giving an inch -- implanted itself in policy deliberations and political debate, spoken or unspoken. It's there now, all these decades later, in worries over making any concessions to Iran over nuclear weapons or to the Taliban over their role in Afghanistan. Adapted from the source document.

"American Foreign Policy helps students develop the critical thinking skills needed to participate in current debates about foreign policy. The thirteenth edition, updated to include recent events such as the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, emerges at a critical time of rising political tensions at home and abroad"--

The global HIV-AIDS crisis -- NATO and transatlantic security relations -- The United Nations -- US relations with China -- US relations with Russia -- The Global War on Terror -- Afghanistan: a different kind of war -- The axis of evil: Iraq -- The axis of evil: Iran -- The axis of evil: North Korea -- The Israel-Palestinian peace process -- Conclusions.

1. Force should only be used in the "vital national interest" -- 2. The use of force must be overwhelming -- 3. US forces must have overwhelming public and congressional support -- 4. The objective of US military forces should be clear -- 5. The need for a clear "exit strategy" -- 6. The war in Iraq -- 7. The war in Afghanistan.

The U.S. military spends more than 14 countries combined and possesses state-of-the art weapons and equipment, yet after 13 years of effort, 1.4 trillion, and some 6,000 casualties, it still has been unable to defeat its enemies in Afghanistan and Iraq. The book explains why and how it can be remedied.

Summoned to duty -- Iraq, Iraq and Iraq-- Mending fences, finding allies -- Waging war on the Pentagon -- Beyond Iraq: a complicated world -- Good war, bad war -- One damn thing after another -- Transition -- New term, new agenda, old secretary -- Afghanistan: a house divided -- Difficult foes, difficult friends -- Meanwhile, back in Washington -- War, war...and revolution -- At war to the last day -- Reflections