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Machine generated contents note: 1. Introduction; 2. The Conceptual Metaphor 'Coalition Of The Willing'; 3. Testing The Frame: The Genealogy Of A Catchphrase; 4. Global Security Governance By Posse: The Proliferation Security Initiative & Co.; 5. Coalitions Of The Willing In Context: The Interplay Between Formality And Informality; 6. Coalitions Of The Willing And The Role Of Law In The DeFormalized Global Complex; 7. Conclusion

Private voluntary standards such as the International Organization for Standardization's (ISO's) 14000 series have played an increasingly important role in encouraging corporations to adopt more sustainable business models on their own initiative and not in direct response to governmentally mandated requirements. ISO standards have a number of benefits, including promoting international uniformity; elevating environmental issues within an enterprise; promoting international trade; and providing a minimal level of environmental performance in countries with less than adequate regulatory infrastructure. Concerns about ISO standards include the relationship to public regulation; and ISO 14001's essentially procedural, as opposed to performance-based, character. International trade agreements such as NAFTA and the WTO Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade inject ISO standards into the public policy arena. Because of the structure of these agreements, ISO standards may operate either as a sword—a negative standard used to challenge a domestic regulatory action—or a shield—an internationally agreed reference point that bolsters the legitimacy of a national measure. This Essay examines the potential for ISO standards on eco-labeling to act as swords to attack domestic requirements, and those on life cycle analysis to serve as shields to insulate municipal actions from international challenge in areas such as climate protection.

AbstractThis article recovers the activities, international thought, and reception of Muriel Innes Currey during the formative decades of the twentieth century. As both an ardent campaigner on behalf of the League of Nations Union and a fascist sympathizer, the paper highlights the variegated beliefs and tensions encapsulated within Currey's thinking as she attempted to reconcile advocacy for the League of Nations with a peculiar mélange of High Tory conservatism, Italophilic solidarity, and fascist sympathies. The contribution of this study is two-fold. First, building on efforts to excavate the history of women's international thought from undue obscurity, this article expands the referent of analysis to the thought and activity of a hitherto neglected woman, yet one overwhelmingly pro-fascist in orientation. Second, discerning Currey's thought contributes to redressing a double erasure within the history of the discipline: the gendered elision of women's international thinking and the concurrent amnesia surrounding fascism and its place within the then-fledgling discipline of international relations. Currey may have been on the periphery of academia; however, she was nevertheless a thinker who engaged with key questions occupying, and institutions affiliated with, the emergent field.

Abstract
The author tries to investigate the thoughts and politics in literature about international circular migration in the lights of European Union (EU) initiatives related to Visegrad Four Countries (V4) with special attention to Hungary. The cross-border circular flows have become relatively frequent during life stages of people differentiated by previous migratory experiences, and next aspirations. The popularity of international circular migration erected from the hypothesis of 'triple win solution' without any empirical verifications. Basically, two sorts of circular migration system exist: homogenous and heterogenous. The homogenous human circular migration system consists of the same kind of moves with similar time rhythm from statistical angles. It seems to us that the practice of life-long international circular migration characterises few long-term circulators. However, the heterogenous circular migration systems combine with other spatial mobility forms function during whole individual life cycle due to one of the symptoms of human beings. The main aim of the contribution is to explore some elements of similar ideas and politics on international circulatory flows interfered between Western and Eastern Europe. Moreover, we propose some old-new innovative solutions for V4 to reform the rigid EU migration policies.

The article discusses the involvement of the Polish police in international police cooperation in the context of the theory of public goods. The aim was to confirm the hypothesis that in today's reality, cooperation between state authorities around the world is necessary to ensure security, which is regarded as a public good. An example of such involvement are actions taken by the Polish police. The article presents the assumptions of the theory of public goods and the notion of security as a public good. It is followed by an analysis of how the Polish police were involved in international cooperation from the beginning of the 1990s until today. The article presents peacekeeping missions of the UN, EU, OSCE and WEU in which the Polish police participated or are still participating. Then the author presents local, regional and global initiatives in which the police are involved at an operational and non-operational level, including activities coordinated by the EU, international police organizations and networks of liaison officers, as well as activities which are a part of bilateral cooperation. The presented overview of international cooperation undertaken by the police made it possible to confirm the initial hypothesis.

The thesis investigates the issue of the prohibition of incitement to hatred in International law. This issue is covered by a different international instruments, which have different approaches on its understanding. The case law created by the international judicial bodies which is empowered to examine complains on actions of States reflects this situation with an ambiguous and sometimes controversial decisions. Similar situation is observed in the academic field, there are different approaches on the understanding the public incitement to hatred. At the same time, current and future challenges, such as the world crisis, armed conflicts, globalization and migration create conditions in which there is a high possibility of the intolerant discriminative atmosphere in which one group may be incited towards another. The development of information technologies, such as social media and the Internet as such, provide fast and unlimited circulation of information, which also may include incitement to hatred. Due to that facts, it is crucial to create a unified approach on the public incitement to hatred, which covers relevant legislation, judicial practice and the findings of scholars and may be used by the national and international authorities to determine and eliminate different forms of public incitement to hatred.

In its recent report, the ILC addressed two main outstanding issues relating to jus cogens norms: the existence of regional jus cogens and the possibility of an illustrative list. The report concludes with draft conclusion 24, which proposes a non-exhaustive list of the "most widely recognised" peremptory norms, such as the prohibition of genocide and aggressive use of force. Peremptory norms are no doubt a "positive part of international law," yet are still conceptualised by some as "a dramatic (or threatening) magic." The ILC's report is perhaps an attempt to concretise jus cogens as, in Kolb's words, an "operational concept of law", rather than a mere extension of natural law theory or lofty ideals. This post offers the thesis that, whilst such a mission is admirable, the operation of peremptory norms as envisaged by the 'hierarchy theory' remains impeded by the dominance of treaties as a source of international law. Furthermore, this seems unlikely to change in the immediate future because treaties are a primary vehicle for the enforcement of state sovereignty, which remains paramount in an international legal sphere dominated by positivist notions of state consent. The conflict is thus characterised by the dichotomy between realpolitik and international ideals.