Why did Tunisian protests following the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi lead to a massive wave of uprisings across the entire Arab world? Who participated in those protests, and what did they hope to achieve? Why did some leaders fall in the face of popular mobilization while others found ways to survive? And what have been the lasting results of the contentious politics of 2011 and 2012? The Arab uprisings pose stark challenges to the political science of the Middle East, which for decades had focused upon the resilience of entrenched authoritarianism, the relative weakness of civil soci
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This thesis is an examination of the complexities surrounding Aboriginal identity as it has been discursively produced in the everyday, and is focused in a suburban area of New South Wales, Australia. The thesis draws from a range of historical and research literature, interviews, surveys, and an analysis of social network sites builds on a historical background to provide a contemporary overview of what it means to identify as an Aboriginal person today. The study draws on various theoretical approaches to explore Aboriginal understandings of Aboriginality in the everyday and the way these are produced and reproduced across a range of sites and contexts. It raises important questions about what constitutes and is constitutive of Aboriginal identity in contemporary times. The thesis does not offer solutions to the 'identity problems' but provides new foundations for re-engaging the intellectual scholarship on the politics of Aboriginal identity.
An English-language version of "Nauchna li politicheskaia nauka? Ili o tom, chto dumaiut, o chem govoriat analitiki, i kak zhivut liudi, dalekie ot politiki." EKO, 2001, no. 5, pp. 36-51.
The negative vote of the French population to the European Constitution shocked the European politics. It shifted the power constellations within the Union. By giving historical examples, the author explains that the refusal of the French population is not a new phenomenon. As a result, the article suggests to slow down the European integration process in order to prevent further setbacks.
Reevaluates Coleridge as a political thinker through consideration of such problems as the nature of his intended consistency over time on matters of religion and politics, the meaning and the position of politics and of political community in his triadic conception of religion, morals and politics, and the origin of the vocabulary of politics he employed. Does this through precise analysis of his second private weekly journal, The Friend, (June 1809 to March 1810). (Abstract amended)
The burden of this paper is to assert the significance of the 2011 movement of the Greek indignados for Greek politics during the Great Recession. Acknowledging the systematically feeble analysis of the nexus between non-institutional and electoral politics in social movement literature, the authors analyze the emergence, development, and heritage of the Greek indignados, focusing squarely on their impact on public opinion and the domestic party system, both at the level of interparty, as well as intraparty dynamics. The authors' conclusions are drawn mainly from an analysis of political party discourse, public opinion data, and interviews conducted on the field, catering equally for the supply and demand side of the novel political claims that surfaced during the first years of the Greek sovereign debt crisis. The authors point to the crucial contribution of the movement's discourse in facilitating voter defection from the traditional two-party system that ruled Greece for more than thirty years, and argue that the indignados functioned as a beacon of populist discursive tropes, which cemented the emergence of a new divide in Greek society between pro- and anti-bailout citizens. Conclusively, the authors take the position that the imprint of the indignados on the Greek psyche has had tremendous repercussions in consolidating a new party system, by undermining traditional political forces and legitimizing new, anti-establishment contenders.
Frontmatter -- Contents -- A Note On Terminology -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1. The fertility of women of mexican origin: A Social Constructionist Approach -- 2. The twin problems of overpopulation and immigration in 1970s California -- 3. "They breed like rabbits": The Forced Sterilization of Mexican-Origin Women -- 4. "More than a hint of extraordinary fertility. . . .": Social Science Perspectives on Mexican-Origin Women's Reproductive Behavior (1912–1980) -- 5. Controlling borders and babies: John Tanton, ZPG, and Racial Anxiety over Mexican-Origin Women's Fertility -- 6. The right to have children: Chicanas Organizing Against Sterilization Abuse -- 7. "Baby-makers and welfare takers": The (Not-So) New Politics of Mexican-Origin Women's Reproduction -- Epilogue -- Notes -- References -- Index
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Science, said Weber, cannot provide truth (only knowledge) and it cannot validate values (only help to achieve them) since reason, fact, and value are separate and unconnectable realms. In taking this position, Weber sought to remove social science from the metaphysical tradition of the West (in which it is still mired). For Weber, man creates his own meanings in a meaningless universe, a possibly moral creature with neither natural nor supernatural absolutes to guide him. This perspective gave Weber a unique detachment against all views of society, whether Traditional, Marxian, or his own preference, liberal, a detachment which contains unparalleled benefits for the student of contemporary society and its politics.
