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One basic component that represents a genuine danger to International Peace and Security was and is Ethno-Religious situated clashes in a profoundly divided society. Ethno-Religious clashes in Iraq, Syria, the Central African Republic, Myanmar, Nigeria, South Sudan and Ukraine among others pull in worldwide consideration and present horrible situations of mass abominations in the influenced state. This paper explores a critical question, what can religious actors do to help deeply divided societies rediscover a sense of living together and building long term peace in the wake of identity-based violence? The objective of this paper is to examine the role of religion in peacebuilding and social cohesion. This paper employs the multidimensional approach of research which is in pursuit of truth, and also the paper relies mainly on research works such as thesis, dissertations, research journals, newspapers and magazines. The finding reveals that religious actors play a critical role as a stakeholder in peacebuilding in deeply divided societies to rediscover a sense of living together and building long term peace in the wake of identity-based violence and should be involved at all stages of the peace process. The study recommends that the Borno State Government should engage religious actors or faith-based organisations in formulating a policy program that is directed towards promoting social coexistence in a deeply divided society like ours to improve social well-being as well as critical drivers of sustainable development, peace and security.

AbstractA number of commentators have suggested various cautions and caveats about assuming a positive relationship between Hinduism and the environment. The main points of contention are the limitations of textual exegesis; the environmentally damaging consequences of some Hindu beliefs and practices; and questions over whether any religion provides an adequate or appropriate basis from which to address contemporary environmental challenges. This paper explores a rather different and very problematic relationship that is being drawn, by some, between Hinduism and the environment. It focuses on the recent involvement of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council) in protests against Tehri Dam. Neglecting the social and environmental problems that motivate other protestors, the VHP has sought to frame the dam as a communal issue—a threat by "outsiders"/Muslims to the holy river Ganges, and "therefore" to the Hindu religion, and "thus" the nation. The paper argues that, in the context of an increasingly aggressive Hindu nationalism, environmental issues and movements are by no means immune from the dangerous and divisive religious politics that are being played out in contemporary India.

International audience ; According to Robert Bellah, in his article, "Civil Religion in America," civil religion is a combination of collective rituals that reveal a devotion to the unity of a nation and a national mythology made up of a diffusion of beliefs and representations that constitute the dominant mental attitudes of a society. Civil religion has its own unique history and, its own mythical or providential origins, and it allows the population of a country to identify itself as such. It gives a national group the feeling of belonging, attachment, and a common sense of pride. From this definition, Robert Bellah considers civil religion a real religion, which he calls a "national faith." Do French people today consider that laïcité (the distinctly French concept of laitysecularism) could be what identifies them the most? Over the last twenty years, it seems laïcité fulfills the role of the French "civil religion." But, this is merely a temporary coincidence. For instance, at least two other vivid terms and emotional concepts—, like French Republic and France itself—, warm the French hearts. Civil religions certainly have multiple entrances and evolve through the time. The French civil religion, if it exists, would have a difficult time revealing itself in great part because of its abrupt changing, its multiple references, and its difficulty into dealing with the religious dimension of its history and culture. It appears complex, rich in roots of all kinds, and contradictory. One must also take into account the fact that it could exists there a difference between civic religion centered on the devotion to the political collectivity and common (national) religion, a more diffuse universe of beliefs and ethical-religious representations. This Article proposes to discern the French narrative in its three different facets, juxtaposed against one another: (1) Laïcité, (2) the République, or "Republic," and (3) France itself.

International audience ; According to Robert Bellah, in his article, "Civil Religion in America," civil religion is a combination of collective rituals that reveal a devotion to the unity of a nation and a national mythology made up of a diffusion of beliefs and representations that constitute the dominant mental attitudes of a society. Civil religion has its own unique history and, its own mythical or providential origins, and it allows the population of a country to identify itself as such. It gives a national group the feeling of belonging, attachment, and a common sense of pride. From this definition, Robert Bellah considers civil religion a real religion, which he calls a "national faith." Do French people today consider that laïcité (the distinctly French concept of laitysecularism) could be what identifies them the most? Over the last twenty years, it seems laïcité fulfills the role of the French "civil religion." But, this is merely a temporary coincidence. For instance, at least two other vivid terms and emotional concepts—, like French Republic and France itself—, warm the French hearts. Civil religions certainly have multiple entrances and evolve through the time. The French civil religion, if it exists, would have a difficult time revealing itself in great part because of its abrupt changing, its multiple references, and its difficulty into dealing with the religious dimension of its history and culture. It appears complex, rich in roots of all kinds, and contradictory. One must also take into account the fact that it could exists there a difference between civic religion centered on the devotion to the political collectivity and common (national) religion, a more diffuse universe of beliefs and ethical-religious representations. This Article proposes to discern the French narrative in its three different facets, juxtaposed against one another: (1) Laïcité, (2) the République, or "Republic," and (3) France itself.

International audience ; According to Robert Bellah, in his article, "Civil Religion in America," civil religion is a combination of collective rituals that reveal a devotion to the unity of a nation and a national mythology made up of a diffusion of beliefs and representations that constitute the dominant mental attitudes of a society. Civil religion has its own unique history and, its own mythical or providential origins, and it allows the population of a country to identify itself as such. It gives a national group the feeling of belonging, attachment, and a common sense of pride. From this definition, Robert Bellah considers civil religion a real religion, which he calls a "national faith." Do French people today consider that laïcité (the distinctly French concept of laitysecularism) could be what identifies them the most? Over the last twenty years, it seems laïcité fulfills the role of the French "civil religion." But, this is merely a temporary coincidence. For instance, at least two other vivid terms and emotional concepts—, like French Republic and France itself—, warm the French hearts. Civil religions certainly have multiple entrances and evolve through the time. The French civil religion, if it exists, would have a difficult time revealing itself in great part because of its abrupt changing, its multiple references, and its difficulty into dealing with the religious dimension of its history and culture. It appears complex, rich in roots of all kinds, and contradictory. One must also take into account the fact that it could exists there a difference between civic religion centered on the devotion to the political collectivity and common (national) religion, a more diffuse universe of beliefs and ethical-religious representations. This Article proposes to discern the French narrative in its three different facets, juxtaposed against one another: (1) Laïcité, (2) the République, or "Republic," and (3) France itself.

International audience ; According to Robert Bellah, in his article, "Civil Religion in America," civil religion is a combination of collective rituals that reveal a devotion to the unity of a nation and a national mythology made up of a diffusion of beliefs and representations that constitute the dominant mental attitudes of a society. Civil religion has its own unique history and, its own mythical or providential origins, and it allows the population of a country to identify itself as such. It gives a national group the feeling of belonging, attachment, and a common sense of pride. From this definition, Robert Bellah considers civil religion a real religion, which he calls a "national faith." Do French people today consider that laïcité (the distinctly French concept of laitysecularism) could be what identifies them the most? Over the last twenty years, it seems laïcité fulfills the role of the French "civil religion." But, this is merely a temporary coincidence. For instance, at least two other vivid terms and emotional concepts—, like French Republic and France itself—, warm the French hearts. Civil religions certainly have multiple entrances and evolve through the time. The French civil religion, if it exists, would have a difficult time revealing itself in great part because of its abrupt changing, its multiple references, and its difficulty into dealing with the religious dimension of its history and culture. It appears complex, rich in roots of all kinds, and contradictory. One must also take into account the fact that it could exists there a difference between civic religion centered on the devotion to the political collectivity and common (national) religion, a more diffuse universe of beliefs and ethical-religious representations. This Article proposes to discern the French narrative in its three different facets, juxtaposed against one another: (1) Laïcité, (2) the République, or "Republic," and (3) France itself.

This article discusses whether global politics are the best means for achieving cosmopolitan ends. It distinguishes the cosmopolitan goal of global obligations from the cosmopolitan politics of global governance. Evidence for cosmopolitanism in society and culture is not strong. In global politics states pursue their own material interests rather than cosmopolitan goals. Copenhagen and the financial crisis did not lead to global cosmopolitan politics as might have been hoped. The article argues that it is dangerous to continue to believe in cosmopolitan politics in such a context. Cosmopolitanism is better pursued through a politics that recognises material interests, conflict, is bottom‐up and based in what is happening, rather than top‐down and optimistic about cosmopolitan attitudes.