Suchergebnisse

Address before the U.N. scientific conference, New York, Aug. 17-Sept. 6, 1949.

Frontmatter -- Preface -- List of Authors -- Table of Contents -- List of Principal Works -- Additional Bibliography -- Official Reports -- List of Abbreviations -- Regulation (EC) No. 864/2007 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 July 2007 on the law applicable to non-contractual obligations (Rome II) -- Introduction -- Chapter I: Scope -- Chapter II: Torts/Delicts -- Chapter III: Unjust Enrichment, Negotiorum Gestio and Culpa in Contrahendo -- Chapter IV: Freedom of Choice -- Chapter V: Common Rules -- Chapter VI: Other Provisions -- Chapter VII: Final Provisions -- Index

The concept of sovereignty still generates a considerable amount of debate in the discipline of International Relations. Using myth as a heuristic device, I argue that part of this confusion results from a mythical understanding of 'sovereignty as equality'. Following the myth, sovereignty is seen as playing an equalising role in international relations, while international inequalities are depicted as existing despite the norm of sovereignty (and not as a result of it). The myth of sovereignty as equality thus enables international relations scholars to separate the inequalities instituted and legitimised by sovereignty from the concept itself. As a consequence, sovereignty is considered as normatively desirable since it is the best tool to offset inequalities. This article argues that the myth rests on three interlinked building blocks and that its maintenance can be explained by its normative appeal (more than by its dubious analytical value). Indeed, even those scholars who reproduce the myth acknowledge that international relations do not conform to it. As such, an effective critique of sovereignty requires both factual disproval (to reveal what the myth contributes to hide) and the construction of an alternative, more desirable myth.

The new research presented in this volume suggests that general perceptions (cultural, psychological, geographical), allied to the customs and values of journalism, and underpinned by the uses of technology, significantly shape international news. This gives rise to a blend of the old and the new; traditions of cultural centredness and innovative practices; anchorages of place and the rootlessness of globalization. Technology per se has not swept all before it. On the other hand, its uses have altered the means and methods of international news sourcing, construction and dissemination. Consequ.

In this book the interaction between the rights guaranteed in the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) and private international law has been analysed by examining the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (the Court) and selected national courts. In doing so the book focuses on the impact of the ECHR on the three main issues of private international law: jurisdiction, applicable law and the recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments. Next to a list of cases consulted and a comprehensive bibliography, the book offers brief introductions to PIL and the ECHR for readers who are less familiar with either of the topics. This makes the book not only a valuable tool for specialists and practitioners in the fields covered, but at the same time a well-documented basis for students and starting researchers specializing in either or both directions.

Why do leaders draw attention to some cooperative security negotiations but shroud others in secrecy? Previous scholarship focuses on leaders' efforts to gain better terms of agreement either by playing their cards close to the vest at the bargaining table or by leveraging/avoiding aroused public opinion at home. Yet, in many cases, it is neither dyadic nor domestic political pressures that motivate leaders' decisions to publicly acknowledge or conceal the occurrence of talks. This article suggests, instead, that third-party states often constitute the primary targets of official secrecy and that a state's international power position shapes its decision to conceal or acknowledge military cooperation by affecting the size and attentiveness of international audiences, the types of assets it brings to the relationship and the benefits it seeks from cooperation. I test five hypotheses about leaders' use of secrecy and acknowledgment through a statistical analysis of an original dataset on US overseas military basing negotiations. This analysis produces strong support for my argument. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Sage Publications Ltd.]

The purpose of this paper is to clarify the theory of international economic sanctions and to provide estimates of the short-run economic impact on South Africa of externally imposed reductions of the imports and capital flows into that country. A macroeconomic picture of South Africa's "dependence" is drawn, and the economy's vulnerability in the short run is seen to be in its capacity to import, not in exports or capital flows. Trade and capital sanctions most clearly damage South Afnca's growth potential; the short-run impact is harder to quantify. A static linear programming model of the South African economy is constructed in an attempt at this quantification. This model estimates that small sanctions would have small impact—i.e., if imports were reduced by less than one-fourth, GDP would be cut by only about one half as large a percentage as imports. Larger import reductions cause greater damage. If imports were to be cut in half, not only would GDP be seriously reduced but massive unemployment and relocation of white labor would occur.