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The "Kyoto Protocol", as the first and only implementation mechanism under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), will expire by the year 2012. There are, however, many good reasons not to abandon this multilateral approach to climate change, but to soon go for a new round – "Kyoto II". In doing so, the treaty must be thoroughly scrutinized for its deficiencies, as regards targets, instruments, and institutions. Particularly, and for various reasons, the Kyoto Protocol which is predominantly an economic concept should be supplemented by a technological companion - the "Houston Protocol" - under the UN Climate Convention. This paper shows how such an innovative "double strategy" of future climate policy might look like.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Original Title Page -- Original Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Dedication -- 1 Introduction -- Part I: Subsistence Agriculture and its Development -- 2 Setting the Scene -- Geography -- Climate -- History -- Demography, Land Availability and Farm Size -- 3 Subsistence Agriculture -- Background to Survival -- The Subsistence Farming System -- The Subsistence Farmers -- 4 Development: Complexities and Constraints -- The Environment -- Demography -- Politics -- Technology -- Markets, Marketing and Prices -- Education -- Infrastructure -- Statistics -- Organization and Management -- Bureaucracy -- International Aid Organizations -- 5 The Future. Why Down? Why Not Up? -- Part II: The International Agricultural Development Game and the Third World -- 6 Background to International Agricultural Development -- 7 Feasibility Studies for Agricultural Development in the Third World -- The Client -- The Consultants -- The Consultant's Objectives -- The Team Leader and His Team -- The Team's Objectives -- The Client's Objectives -- 8 Project Field Work and Report Assembly: Some Wrinkles and Reflections -- General -- Geography, Mapping and Photography -- The Environment -- Statistics -- The Social Background -- The Agricultural Background -- Organization and Management Problems -- The Economic Background -- Assembling the Jig-Saw -- 9 Recapitulation, Conclusions and Recommendations -- References -- Index.

"This book analyses Russia-Europe/EU relations by exploring their practical essence and conceptualizing them in terms of the main categories of international relations research. It argues that the liberal world order, established in Cold War days, whereby international relations are underpinned by a global balance of power and a highly institutionalized framework of international relations, thereby balancing power and morality, continued after the Cold War, with high hopes in the early 1990s for a new order of security and cooperation for all Europe, including Russia. It goes on to show how the liberal world order has broken down, one manifestation of this being the new conflict between Russia and Europe in recent years, a conflict resulting from the failure of European countries/the EU to acknowledge the actual balance of military, economic and political power, the lack of limits on the policy of European countries in terms of infringing on Russia's interests, and Russia's consequent revision, after 1999, of its policy of co-operation. Overall, the book provides huge insight into the nature of Europe-Russia relations"--

Les marchés économiques d'Afrique du Nord sont très vulnérables aux conséquences des politiques monétaires internationales. Dans des économies en transformation, l'impact des soubresauts affectant le système financier a des conséquences, en particulier sur le plan social avec une population exprimant son mécontentement.

Based on a theoretical-exploratory research and focusing on the main arguments of the Trade and Gender Perspectives, this paper explains the different roles of woman in national economies from a critical viewpoint of the liberalization of international trade. It also discusses links between international trade and gender and how women and men are differently impacted by structural and conjuncture circumstances. These differences have defining repercussions to women and gender-differentiated distributional effects in domestic economies and in the global economy in the last four decades, which often reflect in disadvantages for women in the labor market compared with men. Lastly, the paper argues that the so called "feminization" of the workforce, as an important aspect of the globalization process. Countries and economic competition strategies take advantage of structural gender inequalities in countries of the Global South, concentrating investments in low-level tasks and encouraging hiring women in low-paid jobs.Keywords: trade; gender; inequalities. RESUMOCom base em uma pesquisa teórico-exploratória e com foco nos principais argumentos das Perspectivas Comércio e Gênero, este artigo explica os diferentes papeis da mulher nas economias nacionais, tomando um ponto de vista crítico sobre a liberalização do comércio internacional. Ele também discute os vínculos entre comércio internacional e gênero e como mulheres e homens são impactados de maneira diferente pelas circunstâncias estruturais e conjunturais. Essas diferenças têm repercussões definidoras para as mulheres e efeitos distributivos diferenciados por gênero na economia doméstica e global nas últimas quatro décadas, o que geralmente reflete em desvantagens para as mulheres no mercado de trabalho em comparação com os homens. Por fim, o artigo argumenta que a chamada "feminização" da força de trabalho, como um aspecto importante do processo de globalização. Os países e as estratégias de concorrência comercial se aproveitam das desigualdades estruturais entre homens e mulheres nos países do Sul Global, concentrando investimentos em tarefas de baixo nível e incentivando a contratação de mulheres em trabalhos mal remunerados.Palavras-chave: comércio; gênero; desigualdades. Recebido em: 23 jul. 2020 | Aceito em: 17 nov. 2020

Analysis of International Disputes Between Saudi Arabia and Qatar (Situation of Diplomatic Relations between the two countries) Abstract: Diplomatic relations by definition are relations with the mediation between representatives of two or more countries that are political in nature. In the international world, each country must have diplomatic relations with other countries, in establishing relations or interactions do not always go well, sometimes it will lead to international disputes such as those between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, as an outline of the dispute between the two countries, is caused by Saudi Arabia's view of Qatar which does not respect the gulf state's attitude, namely anti-Iran's attitude by supporting to assist Iranians and militant groups such as Muslim Brotherhood and others. The Gulf especially Arabs and made Arabs issue policies to cut off diplomatic relations with Qatar, this paper will discuss the general picture of the two countries and the history of relations between the two countries. Arabian conduct along with Qatar's response to this matter to efforts to reconcile the two countries by various parties Keywords: Diplomatic Relations, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Disputes

This paper is introducing the new international landscape most probably announcing the end of globalization which was with us for almost 50 years, as well as the coming of protectionism. The new label of the next international order is "open and closed borders", in the place of the traditional distinction of left and right. The emerging political parties, becoming known as populist, appear on the international scene as a necessity in order to reduce the plagues of globalization combined with an extreme form of economic liberalism. Beside the economic causes which threaten to overthrow globalization, as the unprecedented inequality which led to an unorthodox loss in the share of labor in GDP and the establishment of a long-term stagnation, there are also strong non-economic factors as the free flow of immigration towards Europe and terrorism. The future, still unknown, could nevertheless take two different directions. First, the continuation of globalization, however under a different form, based on the realization of the Goudenhove-Kalergi project and on the concept of a world government and second the overthrow of globalization and neoliberalism

This thesis takes its starting point from the need for a comprehensive approach towards justice following atrocities, and where not only the states in which the crimes were committed have a role to play. The thesis discusses atrocity crime (genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes) prosecution and reparations procedures concerning individuals as two appropriate courses of action, through which non-territorial states may contribute to atrocity prevention and justice for the victims of atrocities. The analysis addresses whether, under international law, non-territorial states are allowed to, required to, or prohibited from facilitating prosecution and reparations procedures and includes an assessment of the extent to which international law relating to reparations fails to correspond to that applicable to prosecution. The implications of the lack of correspondence are analysed in light of the historical connection and separation of the two courses of action, the procedural and substantive legal overlaps between prosecution and reparations, and the underlying aims and functions of prosecution and reparations. The study covers a wide spectrum of international legal sources, most of them to be found in human rights law, humanitarian law and international criminal law. The study shows that while non-territorial states are included in both conventional and customary law as regards prosecution of atrocity crimes, the same cannot be said in relation to reparations procedures. This serious deficit and inconsistency in international law, is explained by the framing of reparations, but not prosecution, as a matter concerning victims and human rights, thereby leaving the enforcement of the rules to the discretion of each state. Reparation is also considered a private matter and as such falls outside the scope of the far-reaching obligations regarding prosecution. The study suggests taking further the responsibilities of non-territorial states in relation to atrocity crimes. Most urgently, measures should be considered that bring the legal space for reparations procedures into line with that for prosecution in, for instance, future discussions by human rights treaty-monitoring bodies and in the drafting of new international victims' rights, atrocity crimes or civil procedure instruments.

Abstract This article examines a key element of the power relations underpinning international politics, namely coloniality. It delineates the coloniality of international politics, and elucidates the fundamental aspects of its operationalisation on the one hand, and its crystallisation into international politics on the other. The article is structured into three sections. First, it explores the meaning of coloniality, and outlines its fundamental characteristics. Next, it delineates a crucial operative element of coloniality, the idea of race, and the double movement through which coloniality is rendered operational – the colonisation of time and space. Finally, the article analyses two structuring problematisations that were fundamental to the crystallisation of coloniality in international politics – the work of Francisco de Vitoria, and the Valladolid Debate. It argues that the way in which these problematisations framed the relationship between the European Self and the ultimate Other of Western modernity – the indigenous peoples in the Americas – crystallised the pervasive role of coloniality in international politics.

With the recent refugee 'crisis', the liability for refugee-generating once again becomes a matter of concern in international law. When situations in a few countries are generating the majority of the global refugee population, it is pertinent to ask 'who are generating refugees in these countries,' 'do they bear liability of any kind under international law for generating refugees,' and 'if yes, are there legal mechanisms in place to enforce the liability.' This paper aims to address these questions. Despite scholarly endeavors dated back to as early as 1939, positive international law in its current shape still seems unable to establish the liability of refugee-generating entities. No treaty spells out such liability, and it seems hard to argue that such liability exists in customary international law. This highlights a normative lacuna in the intersection between International Refugee Law and the Law of International Responsibility, as neither the framework of State responsibility nor that of transboundary harm can be applied seamlessly to refugee-generating situations. To address this normative lacuna, this paper argues for a new way to establish international liability of refugee-generating entities based on Louis Henkin's theory of 'constitutional international law'. After defining 'refugee-generating entities' by reference to Article 1(A)(2) of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, this paper envisions possible mechanisms under domestic and international law to enforce the liability of refugee-generating entities and appraisals their practicality and desirability.