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Recent years have seen a mounting concern in the United States over foreign efforts to harm election security or legitimacy through cyber means, increased cyber espionage, and attacks of growing sophistication. The United States has been engaged for almost a decade in international negotiations over agreed normative constraints on such activities, but the prospects for a comprehensive international agreement appear dim. In this report, the authors develop a renewed agenda for utilizing cyber norms to limit destabilizing behavior in cyberspace. To do so, they survey the literature on norms and norm emergence and describe the process by which norms tend to arise. They identify the common and conflicting interests that major states have in cyberspace, summarize the history of intergovernmental and private-sector initiatives on cyber norms, outline the principles governing U.S. policy on the issue since 2007, and survey current proposals for cyber norms. Based on this analysis, the authors propose a bottom-up, "outside-in" approach to promoting cyber norms that would allow the United States to bypass current international disagreements to encourage the development of norms to constrain the most destructive and escalatory forms of cyber aggression

In this study, micro implications of remittances are examined based on the data from the 1996 Turkish International Migration Survey (TIMS-96), part of a comprehensive study of Eurostat and the Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute (NIDI). Results of the study imply that migrant savings are generally used for satisfying basic consumption needs. Patterns of expenditures suggest that for 12 percent of all the households receiving remittances, about 80 percent used remittances to improve their standard of living. Considering the variation by regions, it is observed that households in less-developed regions spent more on daily expenses than those in developed regions. This suggests that daily expenses of households in less developed regions depend significantly on remittances received by households. Moreover, remittances have a positive impact on household welfare; households receiving remittances are found to be better off than nonremitting households. This suggests that migration and remittances have positive indirect effects on incomes of emigrant households. A considerable part of the relevant literature argues that remittances are mostly spent on consumption, housing and land and are not used for productive investment that would contribute to long-run development. This conclusion often rests on arbitrary definitions of "productive investments." Access to better nutrition and allocation of more resources to education are, without question, forms of productive investment. Although emigration does not serve as a solution to the problems of national development, it is evident that remittances generate considerable welfare effects, at least for the remittance-receiving population.

The literature on international societies has widely recognised that the EU has formed a regional international society that has transcended the rules of Westphalian statecentred pluralism. However, the analysis of the consequences of this transcendence for global international society has so far been limited. For the most part, such studies have focused on the EU as a normative power, and even within that literature, there is much more attention given to the question of whether the EU acts as a normative power rather than to the consequences of its actions. This is intriguing given that Ian Manners, who originally coined the term, thought of the EU's ability to fundamentally transform the pluralist international society as the ultimate litmus test of normative power. In this paper, we want to explore this question further. Our argument is that the EU contributes to a solidarisation of international society, and we will show this in relation to two cases, human rights and regionalisation. However, we will also argue that this contribution is not unambiguous. Instead, it is characterised by internal contradictions and tensions.

This article gives a brief overview of the context of ethnic conflicts in the Western Balkans, followed by a classification of mechanims used to settle ethnic conflicts. It then goes on to discuss the general approaches to conflict settlement adopted by UN, EU, CoE and OSCE, and their engagement with the conflicts in the Western balkans. On this basis, it draws some preliminary conclusions about trends and patterns of international organization involvement in conflict settlement in the Western Balkans. (ECMI)

Este capítulo dirime la pregunta de si la sociedad internacional tiene o debería tener alguna responsabilidad en lo que concierne las condiciones civiles internas de los países independientes. Algunos estados son una auténtica calamidad para sus poblaciones. Pero, ¿constituyen un problema normativo para las relaciones internacionales? ¿Quién es responsable de las condiciones internas inciviles y a menudo inseguras de lo que habitualmente denominamos estados fallidos? ¿Son responsables el gobierno y la sociedad de esos estados? ¿Es responsable la sociedad de estados? ¿Tienen cabida en la sociedad internacional contemporánea los fideicomisos o los protectorados internacionales? ; This chapter addresses the question whether international society has or should have any responsibility concerning the domestic civil conditions of independent countries. Some states clearly are a calamitous reality for their populations. But do they constitute a normative problem for international relations? Who is responsible of the uncivil and often unsafe domestic conditions of what are usually termed failed states? Are the government and citizens of those countries responsible? Is the society of states responsible? Is there any place for international trusteeships or protectorates in contemporary international society?

This paper argues that the emergence and implementation of an international institution can only be fully understood if it is seen as part of a larger regime complex. It analyses the establishment of the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI), a regional financial arrangement in East Asia, by focusing on its interplay with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It will be argued that four factors play a major role in the CMI's interactions within the financial regime complex: the lack of a clean slate, forum shopping, legal inconsistencies and the politics of implementation.