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Significant changes in the technology and organization of war have caused commensurate changes in the structure of the military organization. One of the major results concerns the combat-oriented image of the military role, which corresponds less and less to what officers actually do. Increasingly, many middle-level and senior appointments in Western military forces are located in central departments of defense. This article suggests that such professional role change should be accompanied by a change in professional identity; this proposition was tested in a survey of officers in the Australian Defence Force. Data were gathered from some 1,400 regular officers in the navy, army, and air force by mailed questionnaire and interview. The results show that many officers not only react negatively to service in the Australian Department of Defence but also feel less competent in their jobs there, as well as less adequately prepared for them, when compared with officers serving elsewhere in the ADF. These findings are taken as evidence of a failure in the military profession to adapt professional role identities to changed circumstances. Implications for these findings are discussed.

Constitutional formalists posit that the Article V amendment process represents the only legitimate method of achieving constitutional change. This view is challenged by numerous widely-accepted judicial decisions that have introduced new meaning into constitutional language by departing from original intentions, expectations, or meaning. A similar, though less discussed, process occurs as, independent of judicial work, constitutional institutions evolve to take forms inconsistent with what the Founders imagined or the language they wrote suggested.The history of the Vice Presidency offers an important example of how onstitutional institutions do and should change, sometimes in ways quite different from what various theories of originalism would suggest. Although the Founders placed the Vice President primarily in the legislative branch and provided that he/she would be "President of the Senate," the office has evolved to become a central part of the executive branch whose occupant almost never discharges the formal legislativerole the Constitution assigns. Nor does the Vice President's successor role account for his/her activities. Instead, the office has been transformed to function as an active part of the executive branch essentially through a common-law-like process. To the extent that Article V is associated with constitutional change regarding the vice-presidential duties, it has largely confirmed, rather than prescribed, the changes that had otherwise occurred. The reimagining of the Vice Presidency has occurred with broad support.The experience of the Vice Presidency provides a counterexample to constitutional formalism generally and to originalism more specifically. Constitutional change through institutional evolution should become more relevant in thinking about constitutional amendment and originalism, especially as the proponents of originalism justify it increasingly not as a means of promoting judicial restraint, but rather as the appropriate way to interpret the Constitution. This change lends greater importance to studying examples of institutional behavior in considering themerits of originalism as a guiding theory of constitutional interpretation.

This article suggests that the new institutionalism contains ambiguous and contradictory notions of change. By setting up a model that explains institutional constraints on decision makers, the new institutionalism correctly points out the limits of a rational choice framework of economic decision making. However, by failing to explain the sources and avenues of modifications of those constraints, the new institutionalism is unable to provide a satisfactory explanation of change. Instead, we find a patchwork of exogenous factors, such as technology, culture, and ideology, which feed into institutional change in unclear ways. This paper reaches the conclusion that those factors for change should be examined directly, rather than through the proxy of institutions.

Summaries of the changes in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand and their effects on various fiscal issues. Effects of the changes on incentives for effort and enterprise by individuals, the gap between the potential and the effective capacity to tax, efficiency in resource use and allocation, equity, trade-off between short-run imperatives and medium-term objectives, and ASEAN harmonization of taxes.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Acronyms -- List of Tables -- List of Boxes -- Part I Adaptation as a Phenomenon -- 1 The Politics of Adapting to Climate Change -- Politics in Climate Change Adaptation -- About This Book -- References -- 2 Climate Change Adaptation as an Idea and a Practice -- Developing Perspectives on Adaptation -- Adaptation and Disaster Risk Reduction -- Adaptation and Sustainable Development -- Status Quo or Transformation? -- References -- 3 Emerging Political Considerations in Climate Change Adaptation -- A Complex Arena -- Does Adaptation 'Belong' to Science? -- Neoliberalism and Adaptation -- Indigenous Peoples -- Adaptation and the State -- References -- Part II Adaptation as Politics -- 4 Adaptation Politics in Context: Governance and Sustainability -- Political Context I: Governance -- Governance: Public Policy -- Governance: Markets and Insurance -- Political Context II: Sustainability -- Sustainability: Utilitarian vs. Spiritual Evaluations -- Sustainability: Technological Change vs. Behavioural Change -- Sustainability: Economic Growth -- References -- 5 Political Themes in Adaptation -- Equity and Fairness -- Decision Making, Participation and Representation -- Power and Influence -- Nature and Ecology -- Gender -- Governance: Lessons from Commons Management -- 'Implicit Politics' in Resilience and Transformation -- Resilience as Implicit Neoliberalism -- Socio-Ecological System (SES) Transformations' Implicit Politics -- References -- 6 Political Analyses of Adaptation -- Institutional Reform -- Political Economy -- Environmental Justice -- Political Ecology -- References -- 7 Discussion and Conclusions -- Increasing Scale of Activity -- Political and Socio-Economic Developments -- Politics Scholarship -- Implications -- References -- Index.

The Euromaidan revolution was the start of a process of profound change in Ukrainian identity. Russian aggression has completed this turn to a pro-Western, anti-Russian orientation.

Political parties can make or break women's attempts to stand for political office, yet there have been surprisingly few systematic studies into the 'secret garden' of political recruitment. This book investigates this under-researched area, bringing together insights from feminist and new institutional theory to explore and understand the gendered dynamics of institutional innovation and change in candidate selection and recruitment. Drawing on an original empirical case study of candidate selection in post-devolution Scotland, Gender and Political Recruitment highlights the complex and gendered dynamics of institutional design, continuity and change in the political recruitment process and illustrates the difficulties of reforming recruitment in the face of powerful institutional and gendered legacies.

In a transformative moment for European and global climate litigation, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) ruled today that the state has a positive duty to adopt, and effectively implement in practice, regulations and measures capable of mitigating the existing and potentially irreversible future effects of climate change. In Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland ("KlimaSeniorinnen"), the Court held that by failing to put in place a domestic regulatory framework for climate change mitigation, the Swiss government violated Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), the right to respect for private and family life. The judgment is a milestone for human rights protection.

AbstractEuropean public affairs practitioners need to be increasingly professional in their reactions to an EU undergoing transformational change. The paper offers a comprehensive summary of the subtleties of institutional change in Commission, Parliament and Council in 2004. In particular, the author argues that expansion from 15 member states to 25 has fundamentally changed the nature of the Union's politics and the skills required to influence it. This new EU requires more of practitioners than experience and amateur instinct: to achieve results and avoid restrictive regulation, the public affairs community must adopt effective training strategies, challenging competence targets and regular self‐assessment of its performance and ethics. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications

Abstract  The objective of this paper is to examine social change in postwar Japan using the concept of social structure. There are two ways to conceptualize social structure. I would like to call the first, established by Radcliffe‐Brown and Parsons, "Structure as a Pattern," and the other, established by Levi‐Strauss, "Structure as a Rule." It is clear that postwar social change in Japan has brought about a new economic order, but it is also true that Japanese society is beginning to accept a new system of values. My conclusion is that the structure of the Japanese social system has. under the pressure of internationalization, reached a crucial turning point.

Following the lead of G. Almond & S. Verba in THE CIVIC CULTURE (Boston, 1965), this paper seeks to examine the way in which the relationship between pol'al culture & pol'al structure (which Almond & Verba described as "one of the most signif researchable aspects of the problem of pol'al stability & change") has been treated in one particular area--that is, in studies of pol'al participation & apathy. It is argued that although investigations of pol'al culture & pol'al soc'ization may have formed one of the "growth points" in pol'al studies over the last decade, they have, as yet, made a minimal contribution to the understanding of "the problem of pol'al stability & change." IPSA.

This habilitation dissertation explores recent changes in European regional policy, in particular by illustrating and elaborating on different spatial dimensions and implications of the European Commission's smart specialisation agenda.