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In the beginning of the 1990-s there was growing interest on the part of the international community to establish international criminal tribunals meant to judge suspects charged with crimes perpetrated during armed conflicts. The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) became the first tribunal in a number of international and quasi-international institutions that emerged after the end of the Cold War. It seems indispensable to examine the steps taken by the UN member states prior to the establishment of the ICTY in order to see the reasons why the decision to create such an institution had been taken.

The interpretive strategy of this article is to identify the joint stock company as an independent unit of analysis in Adam Smith's theory of international political economy. Such companies, in Smith's view, had corrupted and captured many European and non-European governments and undermined their societies' ability to engage in peaceful transnational affairs and equitable self-rule. In contrast with Smith's well-known concerns about the rise of commerce in modern Europe in his four-stage account of social development— which were outweighed, in his view, by the many material benefits and personal liberties brought about by the eclipse of feudalism—his narrative of globalization offers a trenchantly critical appraisal of commercial practices that ultimately undermine many of the gains that the initial rise of modern commerce once made possible. Even in his rare moments of optimism about the future of global relations, Smith remained deeply ambivalent about globalization.

Urban, Regional and National Planning (UNRENAP).

Pratik Adhikary. Book Review: Selected Studies in International Migration and Immigrant Incorporation (IMISCOE Textbooks). Sociological Research Online. 2010; 15(3): 16-17 Article withdrawn by publisher. This article was accidentally published twice in the online version of Volume 15 Issue 3, with different DOIs and different page numbers. There was no duplication of the article in the printed version of Volume 15 Issue 3. The incorrect version of the article with DOI: 10.1177/136078041001500312 has been replaced with this correction notice. The correct and citable version of the article remains: Pratik Adhikary. Book Review: Selected Studies in International Migration and Immigrant Incorporation (IMISCOE Textbooks). Sociological Research Online. 2010; 15(3): 1-1. 10.1177/136078041001500307

Emerging technologies are transforming foreign and security policy as they challenge traditional understandings of power, influence and security. Developments in artificial intelligence (AI) and the increasing importance of cyberspace are some of the most prominent in this regard. Yet, not only are there repercussions for security when narrowly conceived as state security, but they also affect gender relations and human security more broadly. Gender as an analytical category allows us to shed light on the impact of emerging technologies on inequalities, power and violence.
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Anna-Katharina Ferl



Anna-Katharina Ferl ist wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin und Doktorandin im Programmbereich "Internationale Sicherheit" bei PRIF. Ihre Forschungsschwerpunkte sind autonome Waffensysteme, Rüstungskontrolle sowie internationale Normen. // Anna-Katharina Ferl is a Doctoral Researcher at PRIF's "International Security" research department. Her research interest focuses on autonomous weapons systems, arms control as well as international norms. | Twitter: @AnnaKFerl

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Der Beitrag Beyond the Code: Unveiling Gender Dynamics in AI and Cybersecurity for International Security erschien zuerst auf PRIF BLOG.

The Isle of Ted Simulation is a successful teaching tool that is disarmingly simple yet repeatedly captivates participants. Although I originally designed the simulation to explain collective-action problems in American politics, almost all recent uses of the simulation have been in international relations and international organization classes. The simulation is an effective teaching tool for a wide variety of issues including:
collective goods and free riders (e.g., Olson 1971)international organizations versus international organization and global governance versus global government (e.g., Rosenau and Czempiel 1992)regimes and the effects of transparency (e.g., Keohane 1982, 1984; Krasner 1982; Mitchell 1994; Young 1989, 1994)relative and absolute gains (e.g., Grieco 1988)constructivist approaches to international relations (e.g., Wendt 1992)rational choice models of decision making (e.g., Bueno de Mesquita 2000; Lave and March 1993; Monroe 1991)and how the shadow of the future can engender cooperation in the present (e.g, Axelrod 1984; Hardin 1982; Shubik 1970).

Testimony issued by the Government Accountability Office with an abstract that begins "U.S. trade preference programs promote economic development in poorer nations by providing duty-free export opportunities in the United States. The Generalized System of Preferences, Caribbean Basin Initiative, Andean Trade Preference Act, and African Growth and Opportunity Act unilaterally reduce U.S. tariffs for many products from over 130 countries. However, two of these programs expire partially or in full this year, and Congress is exploring options as it considers renewal. This testimony describes the growth in preference program imports, identifies policy trade-offs, and summarizes the Government Accountability Office (GAO) recommendations and options suggested by a panel of experts on the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The testimony is based on studies issued in September 2007, March 2008, and August 2009. For those studies, GAO analyzed trade data, reviewed trade literature and program documents, interviewed U.S. officials, did fieldwork in nine countries, and convened a panel of experts."

Testimony issued by the Government Accountability Office with an abstract that begins "U.S. trade preference programs promote economic development in poorer nations by providing duty-free export opportunities in the United States. The Generalized System of Preferences, Caribbean Basin Initiative, Andean Trade Preference Act, and African Growth and Opportunity Act unilaterally reduce U.S. tariffs for many products from over 130 countries. However, two of these programs expire partially or in full this year, and Congress is exploring options as it considers renewal. This testimony describes the growth in preference program imports since 1992, identifies policy trade-offs concerning these programs, and evaluates the overall U.S. approach to preference programs. The testimony is based on two recent studies on trade preference programs, issued in September 2007 and March 2008. For those studies, GAO analyzed trade data, reviewed trade literature and program documents, interviewed U.S. officials, and did fieldwork in six trade preference beneficiary countries."

On paper, South African law concerning detention of asylum seekers appears consistent with international standards. However, the text of the Act is vague and overly broad, permitting interpretations inconsistent with international human rights standards. Further, in practice, officials often fail to uphold even the lowest standards of the Act, in violation of South African law. In order to protect the rights of asylum seekers, the South African government should institute formal guidelines and training programs, as well as a system of strong supervision and accountability, to ensure that the Act and Regulations are interpreted in a manner consistent with international law. Such a step will enable South Africa to live up to its noble post-apartheid human rights ideals. ; Sur du papier, la loi sud-africaine sur la détention des demandeurs d'asile semble conforme aux normes internationales. Cependant le libellé de cette Loi est vague et par trop étendue, permettant ainsi des interprétations qui sont incompatibles avec les normes internationales en matière des droits de la personne. En outre, dans la pratique, bien souvent les officiels ne respectent même pas les normes minimales prévues par la Loi – en soi une violation des lois sud-africaines. S'il veut vraiment protéger les droits des demandeurs d'asile, le gouvernement sudafricain devra instaurer des directives formelles et des programmes de formation, doublés d'un système de supervision renforcée et de reddition de comptes, afin de garantir que la Loi et les Règlements soient interprétés de manière conforme au droit international. Une telle mesure permettra à l'Afrique du Sud d'honorer ses nobles idéaux de l'après-apartheid en matière des droits de la personne.

Universal feeling seems to converge upon the postulate that after this war an International Government shall be formed to control war and peace of the world, and that the United States shall take full share in it. This dual demand is considered a fundamental platform on which all men of good-will can meet. There is a far-spread tendency, however, to postpone inquiries into its exact meaning and implications. This vagueness may have merits for winning popular support. It has none in preparing for final action. It may even defeat the movement's purpose, because little may come from the longing for International Government, unless details are well prepared in advance. Or, built with a marble façade on shaky foundations, International Government may lead to disaster rather than avert it.None of the United Nations—at least none of the "Big Four"—has thus far given up its sovereignty. For this very reason, no insurmountable difficulty may lie in the way of continuing their alliance to some good purpose after the war, and gradually extending it to other nations. That is still a far cry, however, from the establishment of an International Government which, distinct from the governments of its constituent members, should have the power to take consequential steps independently. If we stake our hopes on this latter type, we must answer the question of how shall the powers be divided between the International Government and the governments of the national states? In passing through the immense flood of discussions on International Government, it is amazing to see how scant are the contributions to this question.