Suchergebnisse

Introduction / Christopher Lord, Peter Bursens, Dirk De Bièvre and Ramses A. Wessel -- Conflating policy, democracy and legitimacy : the case of stakeholder involvement / Claire Godet and Bastiaan Redert -- Winning minds not hearts? : citizens emotions and European integration / Camille Dobler -- Trust lost, trust regained? : trust, legitimacy and multi-level governance / Dominika Proszowska -- Beyond support : public opinion and EU legitimacy / Joris Melman -- Dublin is dead : a study in delegitimation / Radu Triculescu -- Whose voice is louder? : politicisation and legitimation in state aid policy / Elena Escalante Block -- Legitimation strategies and national parliaments : the case of anti-corruption / Emilija Tudjarovska -- Toothless observers or comprehensive players? : national parliaments and the European Semester / Ivana Skazlic -- A two-way street : flexible and rigid legitimation across actors and policies in the EU / Julien Bois and José Piquer -- Post-crisis legitimacy in the EU's Economic and Monetary Union : the cases of European fiscal policy coordination and banking supervision / Philipp Lausberg -- Normative power Europe? : lessons in legitimacy, conditionality and compliance / Tiffany Williams -- Polycrisis and resilience in the EU : Covid-19 and avenues for future studies / Jarle Trondal, Marianne Riddervold and Akasemi Newsome -- The many actors of direct and indirect legitimacy / Christopher Lord -- Concluding implications for EU policy, law and institutions / Dirk De Bièvre, Peter Bursens, Christopher Lord and Ramses A. Wessel.

Victor Hugo once described revolutions as a return from the artificial to normalcy. Certainly, revolutions are processes that unveil the unknown in history. Revolutions are revelations. 1989 was such a revelation in Europe. It changed the European perspective from Yalta to Malta, that is: from internal division to global exposure. The turn from Yalta to Malta was not only a semantic gag. It was also more than describing the end of the Cold War. To link Malta to Yalta was not a nice way for writing an obituary to a closed chapter in history. To the contrary, "Malta" opened a new chapter in the history of Europe. I call this fundamental fact "the Malta turn of Europe". Most people which were living the political events of 1989 or were observing them from a distance did not instantly grasp the meaning of the political changes that happened across Central Europe. Two basic meanings were revealed by the history of 1989: a fundamental geopolitical change and a fundamental sociocultural change – and both were fundamentally interrelated. The fall of communist regimes that had been governing many societies was met with excitement and joy, sometimes even with disbelief and worry across the world. With hindsight knowledge, two facts remain evident: 1989 did not begin in 1989 and it did not end with 1989. When we compare the fall of communist regimes in Europe with the French Revolution of 1789, we instantly realize the meaning of this thought: also 1789 did not begin in 1789 and it did not end with 1789. The French Revolution in its time went through periods of incubation. And it continued through several periods of transformation, of revolutions inside the revolution, of unexpected results and unintended consequences. The same was happening in Europe again two centuries later. Three insights remain fundamental to better contextualize 1989 and the Malta summit in that year that declared the Cold War dead. ; N/A

In the context of the development of countries, the issue of sustainability is one of the most important aspects that are currently dealt with by scientists and organizations worldwide. There are developed concepts, sustainable development objectives, as well as indicators and tools for measuring sustainability. Following the scientific approach, which aims at operationalization of the concept of sustainable development, the authors propose the application of their own Vector Measure Construction Method for evaluation of sustainable development progress. This method enables creation of aggregated measures with the use of discretionary configuration of indicators and it can be applied for establishing rankings, classifications, and for analyzing dynamics of changes. The research was conducted for European Union countries based on data related to execution of one of 17 Sustainable Development Goals (No Poverty). The results may constitute the recommendation on the selection of methodological approach for activities related to evaluation of sustainable development.

• EU member states that are neutral or militarily non-aligned, or that have an opt-out from common defence, are often overlooked in discussions about European defence. • The existence of these special status states not only creates uncertainty about the EU's ambitions to become a fully fledged defence union but also calls into question the functionality of the mutual defence clause, Article 42.7, in the long run. • The special status states fall into three groups according to the challenges they pose to the EU: the "non-aligned in name only" (Finland and Sweden); the "odd one out" (Denmark); and the "strategic schnorrers" (Austria, Ireland, and Malta). • The EU's work on its Strategic Compass should include debates on the special status states' future role in European defence, as well as discussions on the operationalisation of the union's mutual defence clause. ; peer-reviewed

Between November 2012 and September 2013, Joseph A. Cannataci responded to a brief commissioned by the Directorate General of Human Rights and Rule of Law of the Council of Europe. The initial work carried out to end December 2012 was subsequently revised and up-dated over the period Jan-Sep 2013 to reflect the impact of the developments over the European Commission's Data Protection Reform Package (DPRP) and increasingly that of the revelations of the US whistle-blower Edward Snowden. The concept paper finds that the urgency for and the onus upon the CoE to take immediate action to produce a new binding instrument is compounded by the Snowden revelations and the possible chronic inadequacy of EU responses in the sphere of national security on account of exclusions of competence by Art 4 Section 2 of the EU Treaty. ; peer-reviewed

Using multiple methods and original data, Procedural Politics develops a theory of everyday politics with respect to rules - procedural politics - and applies it to European Union integration and politics. It paints a much fuller picture of the role of rules in political life than is available in most existing work

How did the European Union come to be the global leader in setting data privacy standards? And what is the significance of this development? Dorothee Heisenberg traces the origins of the stringent EU privacy laws, the responses of the United States and other governments, and the reactions and concerns of a range of interest groups. Analyzing the negotiation of the original 1995 EU Data Protection Directive, the 2000 Safe Harbor Agreement, and the 2004 Passenger Name Record Agreement, Heisenberg shows that the degree to which business vs. consumer interests were factored into governments' positions was the source not only of U.S.-EU conflicts, but also of their resolution. She finds, too, that public opinion in Europe and the U.S. has been remarkably similar--and thus cannot account for official U.S. reaction to the issues raised by the EU privacy directive. More broadly, Negotiating Privacy sheds important light on both the relationship between the U.S. and the EU and the relationship between domestic issues and the development of international rules