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Abstract
Background
Underrepresented racial and ethnic groups (UREGs) with HIV have a higher risk of cardiovascular disease (CVD) compared with the general population. Referral to a cardiovascular specialist improves CVD risk factor management in high-risk individuals. However, patient and provider factors impacting the likelihood of UREGs with HIV to have an encounter with a cardiologist are unknown.

Methods
We evaluated a cohort of UREGs with HIV and borderline CVD risk (10-year risk ≥ 5% by the pooled cohort equations or ≥ 7.5% by Framingham risk score). Participants received HIV-related care from 2014–2020 at four academic medical centers in the United States (U.S.). Adjusted Cox proportional hazards regression was used to estimate the association of patient and provider characteristics with time to first ambulatory cardiology encounter.

Results
A total of 2,039 people with HIV (PWH) and borderline CVD risk were identified. The median age was 45 years (IQR: 36–50); 52% were female; and 94% were Black. Of these participants, 283 (14%) had an ambulatory visit with a cardiologist (17% of women vs. 11% of men, p < .001). In fully adjusted models, older age, higher body mass index (BMI), atrial fibrillation, multimorbidity, urban residence, and no recent insurance were associated with a greater likelihood of an encounter with a cardiologist.

Conclusion
In UREGs with HIV and borderline CVD risk, the strongest determinants of a cardiology encounter were diagnosed CVD, insurance type, and urban residence. Future research is needed to determine the extent to which these encounters impact CVD care practices and outcomes in this population.

Trial Registration
ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier: NCT04025125.

How positively adolescents believe others feel about their ethnic‐racial group (i.e., public regard) is an important part of their ethnic‐racial identity (ERI), which is likely informed by contextual and individual factors. Using cluster analyses to generate ERI statuses among Black, Latino, and White adolescents (n = 1,378), we found that associations between peer versus adult discrimination and public regard varied across ERI status and ethnic‐racial group. However, among all adolescents, an achieved ERI (i.e., having explored ethnicity‐race and having a clear sense about its personal meaning) buffered the negative association between adult discrimination and public regard, but not between peer discrimination and public regard. Implications for understanding the interplay between contextual and individual factors for public regard are discussed.

Ethnic-racial socialization (ERS) serves as a protective factor in the development of minority children. However, few studies have focused on mixed-status Latinx families to include the broad expression of their ethnic-racial socialization practices centering on their immigration experiences as they teach their children the risks and restrictions of having undocumented status. These parents adapt their ERS in accordance with their experiences of stress, fear, and discrimination, all of which shape the type and frequency of their socialization messages. Through documentation status socialization, Latinx parents forewarn their children of the inequities associated with their ethnic-racial group and undocumented status, including possible family separation. They also teach children about nativity differences and the attendant privilege of having documented status. This manuscript highlights insights to be gained by considering documentation status socialization as an ERS dimension within Latinx families. Learning about the specific ERS practices of such an understudied group is a social justice issue with important implications for understanding how these families might adapt and respond to their social context, especially amidst a political environment that engenders fear and isolation throughout their community. Including documentation status socialization in the ERS literature is a crucial step towards developing a deeper understanding of how the structural and social forces operating within the lives of undocumented immigrants impact normative family processes that ultimately exert an influence on their children's development. A discussion on implications for practitioners and service providers working with this population is also included.

Emerging epidemiological data suggest that white Americans have a lower risk of acquiring COVID-19. Although many studies have pointed to the role of systemic racism in COVID-19 racial/ethnic disparities, few studies have examined the contribution of racial segregation. Residential segregation is associated with differing health outcomes by race/ethnicity for various diseases, including HIV. This commentary documents differing HIV and COVID-19 outcomes and service delivery by race/ethnicity and the crucial role of racial segregation. Using publicly available Census data, we divide US counties into quintiles by percentage of non-Hispanic white residents and examine HIV diagnoses and COVID-19 per 100,000 population. HIV diagnoses decrease as the proportion of white residents increase across US counties. COVID-19 diagnoses follow a similar pattern: Counties with the highest proportion of white residents have the fewest cases of COVID-19 irrespective of geographic region or state political party inclination (i.e., red or blue states). Moreover, comparatively fewer COVID-19 diagnoses have occurred in primarily white counties throughout the duration of the US COVID-19 pandemic. Systemic drivers place racial minorities at greater risk for COVID-19 and HIV. Individual-level characteristics (e.g., underlying health conditions for COVID-19 or risk behavior for HIV) do not fully explain excess disease burden in racial minority communities. Corresponding interventions must use structural- and policy-level solutions to address racial and ethnic health disparities.

This study uses national survey data in federal election years during 1996-2004 to examine voter registration and voting. It shows that racial/ethnic disparities in socio-economic resources and rootedness in the community do not explain overall group differences in electoral participation. It contradicts the expectation from an assimilation perspective that low levels of Latino participation are partly attributable to the large share of immigrants among Latinos. In fact net differences show higher average Latino participation than previously reported. The study focuses especially on contextual factors that could affect collective responses of group members. Moving beyond past research, significant effects are found for the group's representation among office holders, voting regulations, and state policies related to treatment of immigrants.

Reports trend data on attitudes toward the police before & after celebrated incidents of police brutality. Employing 1977-1997 questionnaire data from polls conducted by the Los Angeles (CA) Times, which drew data from the locale of the brutality incidents, & from national data, 1973-1996, from various other sources -- eg, Gallup polls, the New York Times, & general social surveys -- it is found that public support for the police declines, often dramatically, following such an incident. This effect is stronger & of longer duration for African Americans & Latinos than for whites, reflecting persistent racial & ethnic disparities in perceptions of the police. For all groups, however, the level of support for the police eventually returns to its preincident level. 1 Appendix, 10 References. Modified AA

Max Weber was a forerunner and one of the most innovative sociologists of his time. Among the many and diverse contributions to his extensive work, this article aims to highlight his importance and pioneering spirit in the analysis of ethnic and racial relations. Based on the fact that Romani people (known as Ciganos in Portugal) comprise the most numerous minority in Europe (10–12 million), we aim to discuss the relevance and limits of certain conceptual tools and forms of (self) categorization of Ciganos/Roma, namely those based on racial and ethnic phenomena, revisiting Max Weber's writings. Based on a qualitative study carried out on Portuguese Ciganos/Roma, using in-depth interviews of women and men resident in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area, we seek to question the pertinence of these forms of categorization when applied in operative and empirical ways to Ciganos/Roma persons in contemporaneity.

Can racial and ethnic minorities be mobilized to participate in politics at greater rates? We theorize that mobilization messages providing information about a group's underrepresentation in government may increase participation among racial/ethnic minorities. However, responsiveness to such messages should vary depending on individuals' prior awareness of their group's underrepresentation. Using a two-wave panel survey that randomly assigned different get out the vote messages, we find that messages highlighting a racial/ethnic group's underrepresentation in government do not increase Latinos', Blacks', or Asians' likelihood of voting. We also find that such messages can decrease other forms of political participation among Asians and Latinos who were previously unaware of their group's underrepresentation. These findings indicate that information about underrepresentation can actually demobilize certain segments of the electorate. Thus, practical efforts to boost participation among underrepresented groups should either communicate information about underrepresentation in other ways or provide a different type of message altogether.