Suchergebnisse

IN THE PAST DECADE THE FEDERAL COURTS HAVE COME TO PLAY AN IMPORTANT ROLE IN REVIEWING AGENCY DECISION-MAKING ON PROSPECTIVE RISKS. QUESTIONING THE CONVENTIONAL WISDOM THAT JUDGES ARE POORLY EQUIPPED FOR THE TASKS, THE AUTHORS OUTLINE THE RANGE OF CHOICES FACING COURTS IN SUCH CASES AND CONTEND THAT THEY CANNOT AVOID MAKING ULTIMATE DECISIONS ON RISK POLICY.

Abstract
The public use of the niqab and other religious face coverings is a source of considerable debate in Western nations. The veiled Muslim woman is often constructed as "other," reviled as backward, represented as in need of rescue, or associated with Islamic extremism. Despite widespread racist attitudes, officially, Canadians purport to support multiculturalism and the equality of all people under the law as guaranteed under section 15 of the Charter. In a recent Supreme Court of Canada decision, R v NS, the Court had to consider the right of a Muslim woman to wear her niqab while testifying in a sexual assault trial. In "balancing" the conflict between the religious rights of NS and the section 7 rights of the accused to a full and fair defense, the Court ignored the security of the person and equality rights of NS. The Court instead legitimated anti-Muslim stereotypes and reiterated rape myths that had ostensibly been overturned.

Suggests criteria for the selection of judicial candidates.

The aim of this study is trying to interpret the crisis of legitimacy which faced the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, including the multiple legislative and executive bodies, based on specified theoretical perception is Crisis Theory for Jürgen Habermas, which he is trying to linking between the political system has legitimacy and its ability to overcome the different crises and challenges that faced, is a reliable perception in the case of Libya, in particular, every political party in the Libyan scene is consider himself the legal and legitimate representatives of the Libyan community, in light of political division and multiple parliamentary bodies and executive Governments in the country,the researcher adopted in this trying to analytical reading emphasize on specific points in many official and non-official studies and reports on the Libyan situation, study found that all successive political parties that topped the Libyan political scene form 2011, had failed to counter the various challenges whether security or constitutional, and were unable to manage the different crisis suffered by the Libyan citizen, specially economic, living and service, this place it in a real crisis of legitimacy at the level of society as a whole, in light of decrease what they have done in the past and what they can do in the future under the current situation, which contributed in create a case of distrust among the citizens in their programs and plans and lost motivation to participate in the various activities that they supervise on the one hand, and in increasing cases of disrespect for laws and decisions that represent their authority on the other hand,this leads us to say that the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, is faces a national crisis of legitimacy, accompanied by crises in motivation and non-normality, according to Habermas societal crisis theory, this is reflected in our reading of studies and reports that have been exposed to the Libyan crisis.

AbstractThe simplification of the machinery and procedure for convicting criminals, as achieved by the Detroit unified court bill, is the first actual installation of the principles of court reform developed by the American Judicature Society of which the author is founder.

Main description: Die aktive Beteiligung von Opfern an Strafverfahren ist seit der Gründung des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs ein fester Bestandteil des Völkerstrafprozesses. In der vorliegenden Arbeit untersucht der Autor eine für das Völkerstrafrecht neuartige Form der Opferbeteiligung, wie sie am Sondertribunal zur Untersuchung der Khmer Rouge-Verbrechen in Kambodscha praktiziert wird: An den Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) können die Verletzten den Status als »partie civile« erlangen. Dieser an die Nebenklage im französischen Recht angelehnte Status berechtigt zur Beteiligung an den Verfahren und zur Geltendmachung kollektiver und moralischer Reparationen. Nach einer Einführung in den Hintergrund der Verfahren werden im ersten Teil die normativen Vorgaben für die Ausgestaltung der Opferbeteiligung, insbesondere die völkerrechtlich anerkannten Opfer- und Beschuldigtenrechte, herausgearbeitet. Es folgt eine Diskussion der Bedürfnisse von Verletzten massiver Gewalt. Im zweiten Teil wird der Zivilparteistatus im Lichte dieser Bedürfnisse analysiert und untersucht, ob er zu einer tatsächlichen Verbesserung der Stellung der Verletzten in Völkerstrafverfahren geführt hat. Neben dem Antragsverfahren, den einzelnen Verfahrensrechten und dem kollektiven Entschädigungsanspruch wird auch die praktische Durchführung der Opferbeteiligung in die Analyse einbezogen. Dabei werden Reformmöglichkeiten im Hinblick auf die Opferbeteiligung an den ECCC sowie an anderen Völkerstraftribunalen aufgezeigt.

This paper tries to assess the specific role of the Supreme Court of India in the development of the Indian constitution and, hence, of the democracy of India. As a court of universal jurisdiction the Supreme Court of India has passed a number of remarkable judgements. This is demonstrated by the analysis of four topics: a) the power of the Supreme Court to issue writs for the enforcement of fundamental rights; b) the various proceedings in property rights cases; c) the basic structure-doctrine which states that the essential features of the constitution cannot be changed by Parliament, thus finally establishing the supremacy of the constitution over Parliament; d) the protection of fundamental rights and the introduction of the public interest litigation since 1977 as a means for groups of concerned citizens to counterbalance the inefficiency and passivity of the state apparatus through. With its judgements the Supreme Court has actively redefined its role as an independent and innovative constitutional body. It has thereby helped the constitution and especially the basic principles of equality and justice to become a matter of concern to all citizens of India.

The policy of the EU and its member states vis-à-vis Central Asia's authoritarian states is focused first and foremost on stability. At the same time, it is hoped that the region's political elites will allow themselves to be swayed by 'constructive engagement' and 'dialogue' to abide by human rights standards and to pursue democratic reforms. In accordance with this policy, the Central Asian states are incorporated into international cooperation projects, which focus on shared interests and blur the variance in different values. Just how unsuccessful this approach is has been demonstrated by Kazakhstan's OSCE chairmanship. Kazakhstan's leadership has primarily used the office to consolidate its domestic power rather than promoting acceptance of the 'human dimension' of security in the post-Soviet space and leading by good example. If it wishes to avoid such outcomes in the future, the West must develop a more acute awareness of the behavioural logic driving its partners

What are the "best interests" of the child in conflicts over visitation rights? Mental health consultants to the courts are often called upon to deal with this question. Research on the issue is discussed, and strategies are suggested for dealing with it.