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Paulin J. Hountondji is one of the most important and controversial figures in contemporary African philosophy. His critique of ethnophilosophy as a colonial, exoticising and racialized undertaking provoked contentious debates among African intellectuals on the proper methods and scope of philosophy and science in an African and global context since the 1970s. His radical pledge for scientific autonomy from the global system of knowledge production made him turn to endogenous forms of practising science in academia. The horizon of his philosophy is the quest for critical universality from a historical, and situated perspective. Finally, his call for a notion of culture that is antithetical to political movements focused on a single identitarian doctrine or exclusionary norms shows how timely his political thought remains to this day. This book gives a comprehensive overview of Hountondji's philosophical arguments and provides detailed information on the historical and political background of his intellectual oeuvre. It situates Hountondji in the dialogue with his African colleagues and explores links to current debates in philosophy, cultural studies, postcolonialism and the social sciences. Franziska Dübgen is a Professor in Political Philosophy at the University of Münster, Germany. She held fellowships at the New School for Social Research, New York, the IASS, Potsdam, and the Lichtenberg-Kolleg for Advanced Study, Göttingen. Her research interests include African philosophy, theories of justice, postcolonialism, gender, punishment/incarceration, and contemporary political philosophy. She is currently co-directing a research project on diversity, power and justice in contemporary African and Arabo-islamic philosophy. Stefan Skupien is a postdoctoral researcher focusing on the sociology and politics of North-South science cooperation. His research interests include constitutional politics, history of political thought, and solidarity in the European Union. He has been involved in international networks, working towards intercultural conversations and to radically extend the horizon in German debates about African issues. Together with Franziska Dübgen, he edited the first anthology on African political philosophy in German in 2015, Afrikanische Politische Philosophie. Postkoloniale Positionen

Acquittal in international criminal law has long been disregarded by the governing bodies of international criminal courts. However, the acquittal exposes constitutive (and constituent) components of this very body of law. The authors draw conclusions from semi-directive interviews with (acquitted and condemned) people tried by the ad hoc tribunals. Their approach creates an opportunity to highlight and comprehend-from the perspective of the acquitted individual-the failures of the functioning of international criminal justice, which is focused on the idea of guilt. Moreover, this research shows how the position of tried individuals affects their perception and acceptance of international criminal law. ; SCOPUS: re.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Urban, Regional and National Planning (UNRENAP).

In the past decade, the cultural projection of China has become increasingly important to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and to the state in terms of enhancing its soft power amid global competition. This article examines how China's international broadcasting institutions respond to the policy initiative toward cultural diplomacy, through a case study of the China Global Television Network (CGTN) Documentary. It uses document analysis, in-depth interviews and participant observation, to explore the gap between the contemporary policy regime and its implementation in the international broadcasting sector, taking into account the interplay between broadcasters, political bodies, producers and international audiences. Situated in the interconnected global marketplace, this article examines the current condition of tensions not only between political control and commercial imperative, but also between the national regulatory regime and the need for global engagement. It argues that although the newly found political priority of promoting China's contemporary national values globally entails an increasingly assertive agenda toward nation branding, market disadvantages and the uncertainty of audience reception challenge the policy pursuit for using its state media as a means for public diplomacy.

The emergence of a large and prosperous Indian diaspora across the globe obscures the fact that it is not a homogeneous and monolithic whole but is representative of the diversity of India. The Dalit diaspora emerged simultaneously but separately with a strong consciousness and commitment to ameliorate caste disabilities both at home and in the host land. One can discern a perceptible influence of Dr Ambedkar's dictum 'educate, organise and agitate' on Dalits. Therefore, the educated Dalits have organised themselves through various international organisations and are agitating against caste discrimination, in the process carving out a dignified identity for themselves. This article delves into the emergence and activism of the numerous international organisations and institutions working on Dalit issues in diasporic locations. It specifically analyses the attempts to incorporate caste as descent-based discrimination within the ambit of racism at various international forums and its inclusion as protected characteristics within the Equality Act, 2010, of the UK. These efforts have been successful in challenging the caste hegemony at both local and global levels and are a step forward towards its eradication.

The purpose of this paper is to study the role of European and international organizations in educational policy and the governance of the European education space. It is argued that the influence of transnational and supranational organizations on the discourses and practices of education systems in the European Union contributes to the creation of a "Globally Structured Educational Agenda" whose main purpose is the linking of education systems to the services of the global economy. The educational policy of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) especially plays a crucial role in shaping the European education space by exploiting policy by numbers as a tool and way of governance. It is also claimed that the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), a key policy tool with strong international influence, is considered to be an extremely important hub for the governance of European education by numbers, aiming to improve the quality of education systems. Prospects for further research in the field of comparative education are examined, aiming to create different schemes for measuring the quality of education systems, where humanitarian values will be at the forefront. (DIPF/Orig.)

This study analyzes the intent and effectiveness of international development aid through a content/trend analysis of over 42,000 aid projects in the water supply and sanitation sector. The water sector is a vital and understudied component of international development that is rife with internal contradictions. On the one hand, access to water is rapidly increasing cross-nationally, but over 700 million still lack improved access to water. On the other hand, renewable freshwater resources per capita are rapidly decreasing, and annual freshwater withdrawals are steadily increasing. These concurrent issues lead to water stress and decreased freshwater sustainability, which in turn affects global political, ecological, and health issues. To address these issues, national governments and multinational aid agencies have been lending to the water supply and sanitation sector since 1950. This study assesses the trends in international aid over the past 65 years for their intent and effectiveness in solving global water and development issues. The results have implications for the development effectiveness of nations' and organizations' aid and calls for social scientists to investigate well-being and environmental impacts simultaneously in all sectors of development.

Loin d'être coupée du monde, la société coloniale algérienne suit avec attention les événements internationaux, s'intéressant en particulier à son entourage maghrébin, africain et méditerranéen. Cet article examine l'impact des actualités internationales dans l'Algérie de la fin du XIX e siècle, en prenant en considération quatre cas successifs : l'invasion de la Tunisie en 1881, la rébellion mahdiste au Soudan égyptien, la guerre gréco-turque de 1897 et enfin la crise de Fachoda qui oppose la France à la Grande-Bretagne en 1898-1899. La mondialisation de l'information rapproche les événements lointains, malgré les inégalités d'accès à l'information entre Algériens et Européens. En s'appuyant sur les archives de surveillance ainsi que sur la presse, cet article révèle les tentatives du gouvernement colonial pour maîtriser la circulation de l'actualité internationale au sein de l'Algérie. La connaissance de ces actualités n'était pas limitée à la minorité lettrée et ces cas font émerger l'importance de la rumeur comme un outil politique qui importe les conflits extérieurs dans les localités les plus reculées. L'actualité internationale se révèle être un enjeu au cœur même du rapport colonial.

One of the reasons for the low effectiveness of the European Union's policy in the Mediterranean is the discrepancy between the EU's international identity and the national interests of its Member States. The EU has been building its international identity on values that are proper to political idealism. In large measure, however, the EU's declared aims have not been consistent with the national interests of its Member States. In effect, while Member States are able to adopt general guidelines for the EU foreign policy, translating such guidelines into specific actions often proves impossible. The aim of this article is to analyse the low effectiveness of the EU's policy in the Mediterranean region in terms of the discrepancies between the idealistic concept deriving from the EU's international identity on the one hand, and its realistic actions based on the EU's Member States' national interests, on the other. As the European Union's foreign policy is shaped at the intergovernmental level, national interests tend to take the upper hand. The Mediterranean policy of five EU-Member States will be analysed - France, Spain, Italy, Germany and the United Kingdom.

Résumé En 1948-1949, dans le contexte de début de guerre froide, l'Organisation internationale des réfugiés est confrontée à l'une des crises majeures de son histoire qui concerne la réinstallation d'enfants isolés polonais. Ces enfants font partie des populations polonaises, déportées par les Soviétiques au lendemain de l'invasion de la Pologne. Ils ont ensuite fait partie des populations civiles qui ont accompagnés l'évacuation de l'armée polonaise du général Anders pendant l'hiver 1941-1942. Ceux dont il est question dans cet article ont alors été établis par les Britanniques dans le camp de Tengeru au Tanganyka dont l'OIR a la charge à partir de 1947. Un an plus tard, l'OIR annonce sa volonté de réinstaller les enfants en dépit de l'opposition virulente du gouvernement polonais. Cette crise permet de mettre en lumière à la fois les moyens et limites politiques et diplomatiques de l'OIR dans le contexte de la rupture Est-Ouest en Europe, les avatars de l'action humanitaire internationale, le rôle des acteurs privés notamment associatifs et des réseaux politiques ou religieux, ainsi que l'étape nouvelle que la question du statut juridique international des enfants franchit dans les pratiques humanitaires et diplomatiques après 1945.

Conditionality Recent relationships between Papua New Guinea (PNG), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank have been stormy. At various points in the loan negotiations students rioted, the Prime Minister told the World Bank to 'go to hell', and the World Bank's chief negotiator defected to the PNG side. He was later jailed. The relationship between the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and its South Pacific clients were also sometimes uneasy, and led its Board of Directors to commission a self-assessment. The article compares the use of loan conditions by the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) in Papua New Guinea and six small island states of the South Pacific. In spite of their juridical sovereignty, their small size may make them particularly vulnerable to international pressure. It is part of a wider study of 'institutional transfer ' which sees 'conditionality' as one of the mechanisms by which institutions are borrowed, transplanted or imposed on other countries. Conditionality lies on a continuum that runs from voluntary 'lesson drawing' at one extreme, to direct imposition of a policy on the other.

Conditionality Recent relationships between Papua New Guinea (PNG), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank have been stormy. At various points in the loan negotiations students rioted, the Prime Minister told the World Bank to 'go to hell', and the World Bank's chief negotiator defected to the PNG side. He was later jailed. The relationship between the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and its South Pacific clients were also sometimes uneasy, and led its Board of Directors to commission a self-assessment. The article compares the use of loan conditions by the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) in Papua New Guinea and six small island states of the South Pacific. In spite of their juridical sovereignty, their small size may make them particularly vulnerable to international pressure. It is part of a wider study of 'institutional transfer ' which sees 'conditionality' as one of the mechanisms by which institutions are borrowed, transplanted or imposed on other countries. Conditionality lies on a continuum that runs from voluntary 'lesson drawing' at one extreme, to direct imposition of a policy on the other.

AbstractAs countries negotiate a new climate agreement for the United Nations climate conference in December 2015, a groundswell of climate actions is emerging as cities, regions, businesses and civil society groups act on mitigation and adaptation, independently, with each other and with national governments and international organizations. The Paris conference provides a historic opportunity to establish a framework to catalyse, support, and steer these initiatives. Without such a framework, 'bottom‐up' climate governance runs the risk of failing to deliver meaningful results. Social science research highlights the need for a comprehensive approach that promotes ambition, experimentation and accountability, and avoids unnecessary overlaps. This article specifies functions and design principles for a new, comprehensive framework for sub‐ and nonstate climate actions that could provide effective coordination.