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International efforts to promote democracy can have unanticipated effects. International election observation is perceived to increase domestic confidence in the electoral process and reduce fraud. Conversely, election boycotts are perceived to be more likely as electoral fairness decreases. The authors document a puzzling relationship between monitored elections and opposition party boycotts: Observers are associated with an increased boycott probability. They argue that international benefits for democratic elections give electoral autocrats the incentive to invite international observers and manipulate elections to minimize international criticism. This increase in 'strategic manipulation' has led to changed incentives for opposition political parties, which have the most to lose from a manipulated but internationally certified election. Consequently, international monitors increase boycott probability. The authors support this explanation with an original data set of elections, boycotts, and international observers (1990 to 2002). [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright.]

The statistic has a glance at the interpretation of the term "international marketing"; view of international marketing; it is shown that the passages and shortcomings of international marketing are described. Vіtchiznyans and foreign sciences are responsible for the role of marketing functions in the management of all kinds of people in the global market. So, the results show that the marketing function in the development of financial indicators, the efficiency of new products with customers, and the profitability of new products on the market. The order of sorts of naukovtsi talk about those that are less important for marketing as functions, and more for the meaning of the rules, so that marketing is transformed into an independent process. Naked on the importance of global international management; presents the process of international marketing strategic plan. Internal drivers - ti, which resemble a company and, in such a rank, are controlled by a server, such as a global capacity and functionality of a company, as well as financing and international availability of kervniks. On the other hand, the name of the drivers is not controlled by the brand, but it does not add a global strategy to the state of affairs. Among these factors is the global economy, culture, political and legal systems and technologies. The system of global marketing has been discussed, and I have a lot of respect for the fallow land: Global Marketing Performance. It is said about the importance in the global education of the national culture of the country, on the plan to start the enterprise out of its products; Proposed come back to the global community for help with international marketing ; У статті досліджено погляд різних авторів на трактування терміну «міжнародний маркетинг»; розглянуто види міжнародного маркетингу; показано описано переваги та недоліки міжнародного маркетингу; наголошено на важливості глобального міжнародного менеджменту; представлено процес міжнародного маркетингового стратегічного планування; описано приклади впливу маркетингових стратегій на розвиток глобального підприємництва; доведено, що успіх глобального маркетингу компанії проявляється через репутацію товарного бренду; наголошено про важливість в глобальному підприємництві вивчення національної культури країни, на яку планує вийти підприємство із своєю продукцією; запропоновані заходи щодо покращення глобального підприємництва за допомогою міжнародного маркетингу

By concluding international agreements in the field of security and defence, the Serbian Armed Forces become a factor of international cooperation, which imposes certain responsibilities on the state and, in a special way, regulates the international legal position of their members. The paper presents the origin and development of the idea of the Common European Security and Defence, the obligations of the Republic of Serbia and the national legal framework that regulates this field. The goal of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy, established by the Maastricht Treaty, is to preserve peace and strengthen international security in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter. To achieve this goal, the Common Security and Defence Policy has been developed, with the Union taking the leading role in peacekeeping operations and conflict prevention. The analysis of the content of national and international acts shows the evolutionary development of the idea on the existence of collective security, the acts for its implementation and the conditions necessary for the successful execution of the set tasks have been developed. Furthermore, comparative and historical methods have been used, as well as the method of deduction. It can be concluded that the new field of integration in Europe requires that the armed forces of the member states gain a role in international relations by initiating a series of institutional reforms and a change in the understanding of the social role of the military. International military engagement at regional and global level, along with bilateral cooperation, is a means of eliminating threats to national security while strengthening the capabilities of the national defence system. It is necessary to meet strict conditions for such engagement to be legitimate.

Since the formation of the US and Australian sponsored Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP) in 2005, there has been a series of international climate change agreements involving elite state actors only. The APEC Sydney Leaders Declaration of 2007, G8 Hokkaido Leaders Declaration of 2008 and US Bush Administration Major Economies Meetings (MEM) of 2007-08 all display a shift towards a model of international climate governance based on small groups of economically powerful states, to the exclusion of less powerful states and civil society. The role of some developing countries at the recent Copenhagen COP 15 meeting, together with logistical difficulties in civil society participation at that meeting, have strengthened calls for international climate governance to be pared down to a smaller decision making forum involving only 'key' countries in terms of emissions and economic output. This paper seeks to explain the above developments by an interpretivist research design based on international legal analysis and critical constructivist discourse analysis. It is argued that the above developments embody a discourse of 'exclusive mini-lateralism' that represents an important discursive challenge to the 'inclusive multilateral' design that has dominated international climate change governance since the formation of the UNFCCC in 1992. The exclusive mini-lateralist discourse seeks to shift inter-subjective meaning underlying the processes of international climate governance away from openness, transparency and accountability towards an acceptance of secrecy and power-based outcomes that will allegedly provide greater global effectiveness in reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Any continued strengthening of the exclusive mini-lateralist discourse will provide a significant challenge to the deliberative potential of international climate change governance over coming years.

There have been significant political eras which have shaped not only the structure of world politics but the way in which it has been studied. The geopolitical and ideological contours of the Cold War period, for example, had an impact on almost every aspect of world politics and the study of international relations for around 45 years. This book argues that, just as the collapse of the Soviet Union in the period following the fall of the Berlin Wall signalled the end of strategic polarization, it also marked the apparent end of a particular form of polarized debate around political, social and economic ideas. The various new directions taken by scholars of international relations in the post-Cold War era constitute a large part of a 'new agenda' for the discipline. This collection reflects the variety of issues and approaches that have become part and parcel of this agenda over the past ten years. Issues tackled in this volume include the power of culture and ideology, the concept of globalisation, inequality, human rights and security as well as reflections on new forms of polarization in the post-Cold War world. Each contributor addresses the nature of changes and continuities in world politics, considers how the discipline of international relations itself has changed and reflects on possible directions for the twenty-first Century. This book will be of great interest to scholars of international relations, global politics, economics and related disciplines. Stephanie Lawson is Professor of Politics and International Relations at Macquarie University.

This paper delves into influence of the internet on international law and global governance, a phenomenon that increased incrementally over the last decade before the COVID-19 emergency precipitated it. It posits that the digital world birthed whole new 'territories' where the practice of states and other actors is recorded and displayed, but it also exists independently from the physical realm. With respect to law-making, the internet acts as both a sounding board for, and an originator of, international practice. New technologies and social networks have also certainly increased the availability of information to governments and the public regarding violations of international norms. Yet, they have created a new – online – environment in which internationally wrongful acts can be committed. This further qualifies, yet does not make less significant, the relevance of the internet for the implementation of international law.The paper further submits that technological power has become a funda- mental force of leverage in global governance, akin to economic, military, and political might for states and a wide range of non-state actors alike. Big Tech companies and other corporations but also civil society, social and political groups, and individuals are all potential stakeholders participating formally and informally (or to be included) in the sharing of power. Notwithstanding the difficulty to articulate a concept that comprehensively rationalises the impact of the internet on the processes and structures of interna- tional law and governance, the paper highlights a gap between the theory and practice of international law and offers a contribution in this direction.

From Expectation to Experience: My Changing Identity as a Chinese International Student Background: This autobiographical narrative inquiry investigates what we can learn from my experience as a Chinese international student in both writing and art-based ways, which can inform Chinese international students' expected supports that can improve their mental wellbeing. The study asks: Are my pre-departure expectations for studying in Canada different from the realities? If so, how and why are they different? And, what is my changing identity to be a Chinese international graduate student? The data sources of the study are my autobiographical memories, posts, blogs, journals, drawings and photography works in about a five-year length of my lifetime from China to Canada. Methods: The data sources of the study are my autobiographical memories, posts, blogs, journals, drawings and photography works in about a five-year length of my lifetime from China to Canada. Intergroup relationship theories and identity theories are used flexibly as lenses to facilitate my autobiographical narrative along timeline. Multiliteracies theories are used flexibly as a method to write my stories. Results: Gaps between my expectation and experience of studying in Canada, in terms of study, expense, friendship and nature, are explored. Discussion & Conclusion: The findings of this study show that my aesthetic experience from art and literature, Chinese politics, basic needs for mental security and self-esteem, and desire to be genuine have played significant roles in my ongoing changing identity as a Chinese international student. Based on these results, suggestions are given.

The main ambition of this work is to shed a different light on international economic adjudication, using methods drawn from different social sciences and evolving around the idea of critical discourse analysis. It studies the case law as a discourse, adopting a CLS and Neo-Gramscian approach, to unveil the neoliberal and hegemonic structures of international economic adjudication. Starting from the technical issue of the use of unwritten law, it provides context to understand how judicial power structures have built a certain vision of the global economy, rooted in a neoliberal understanding of the world. L'objectif principal de ce travail est de porter un regard nouveau sur le contentieux international économique, en utilisant des méthodes issues de différentes sciences sociales et évoluant autour de l'idée d'analyse critique du discours. Étudiant la jurisprudence en tant que discours et adoptant une approche critique et néo-gramscienne, il entend dévoiler les assises néolibérales et hégémoniques de ce contentieux. Partant de la question technique de l'utilisation du droit non écrit, il fournit des éléments de contexte pour comprendre comment les structures du pouvoir judiciaire ont construit une certaine vision de l'économie mondiale, ancrée dans une compréhension néolibérale du monde

Vol. 1 : The military and international security dimensions. - XVIII,413 S. : zahlr. graph. Darst., Tab., Reg., Lit. S. 391-401, Lit.Hinw. - ISBN 0-275-97997-0; Vol. 2: The political, foreign policy, economic, and energy dimensions. - XXII,588 S. : zahlr. graph. Darst., Kt., Tab., Reg., Lit. S. 561-570, Lit.Hinw. - ISBN 0-275-97998-9

Approaches to accountability vary between charities working to reduce under-five mortality in underdeveloped countries, and healthcare workers and facilities in Canada. Comparison reveals key differences, similarities and trade-offs. For example, while health professionals are governed by legislation and healthcare facilities have a de facto obligation to be accredited, charities and other international organizations are not subject to mandatory international laws or guidelines or to de facto international standards. Charities have policy goals similar to those found in the Canadian substudies, including access, quality, cost control, cost-effectiveness and customer satisfaction. However, the relative absence of external policy tools means that these goals may not be realized. Accountability can be beneficial, but too much or the wrong kind of accountability can divert resources and diminish returns.

SummaryThis article argues for a change in the normative assumptions of international law so as to attenuate the historical marginalization of developing countries. It describes a form of collective responsibility called "cooperative cosmopolitanism" that requires individuals and states to take responsibility for harms to those beyond their borders. Cooperative cosmopolitanism entails obligations shared by all that are realized collectively and cooperatively. Taking a phenomenological approach and relying on examples of areas of international law (especially international investment law) that have a disproportionately negative impact on developing countries, the article suggests five ways in which international law should evolve in order to take better account of our cosmopolitan obligations: (1) widening the ambit of international law beyond state-based issues; (2) de-emphasizing state practice andopinio jurisas criteria for creating international law; (3) recognizing an increased role for equity in international law; (4) broadening state responsibility to include harms caused by their nationals abroad; and (5) articulating a cosmopolitan understanding of the responsibility to protect foreign nationals.