Suchergebnisse

The status of domestic animal protection laws in Asia, Africa, and Latin America varies, as one might imagine, from country to country. Countries with high per capita incomes are more likely to have a large number of animal protection organizations, whose existence normally leads to the passage of protective legislation.1 The sociopolitical, cultural, and religious backgrounds of each country, as well as previous colonization, also influence whether it has animal protection legislation and whether these laws are enforced. Previous colonization is the case in many former British colonies, which often have very good laws but neither the means nor the interest to enforce them. With some exception, countries within each region of the world follow similar patterns of law and enforcement. (Logically, it would follow that countries with the highest number of animal protection groups per land area or per population would be the most likely to have an animal protection law, yet these concepts do not necessarily correlate, though it may reflect increased interest in animal protection as a concept [Table 1]). International animal protection can be best understood by placing countries in one of four descending levels of animal protection. Countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America can be found in the bottom three categories (Irwin 2003).

"This book conceptualizes international law as an expression of practical reason, focusing on the genesis of modern international law in the essence of the concept of sovereignty. Utilizing the philosophical method of R.G. Collingwood, the essence of sovereignty is sought in a dialectical model drawn from the philosophy of David Hume. John Martin Gillroy transcends conventional social scientific method, political theory, and its understanding of global governance to make the study of the philosophical underpinnings of international law accessible, grounded, and practical. This book provides analytic tools for understanding globalization, international legal thought, legal theory, and political philosophy, offering engaging insights on a complex field of study. It outlines the first of three arguments describing the evolution of international law as a manifestation of practical reason through an application of philosophical method to the source, locus, and scope of the concept of sovereignty. It moves from a dialectic balance favoring utility, to a balance dominated by legal right, and finally to a dialectic of duty to humanity and nature."--

"Hugo Chavez won re-election in the 2012 Venezuelan presidential election, despite a closer margin between candidates than in previous elections. The results were puzzling for those who believed that Chavezs government had long ago reached its limits, while Chavezs supporters were struck by the growth of the opposition vote. Thus understanding the Venezuelan election of 2012 has proved to be challenging, with various recent studies focused upon it. Luis F. Angosto Ferrandezs book advances two ideas not previously discussed: the relationship between electoral behavior in Venezuela and contemporary Latin American geopolitics, and the way that relationship is projected through the candidates appeal to narratives that situate Venezuela at the core of a heroic Latin American tradition and of a new regional process of integration. This edited volume first contextualizes and explains the results of the last re-election of Hugo Chavez in terms of its geopolitical conditionings and implications. Contributors tackle Latin American geopolitics by analyzing Venezuelan foreign policy and the countrys role in continental projects of supra-national integration. Contributors also examine electoral strategy and tactics in order to show how the two main candidates built their campaign on emotional grounds as much on rational ones. This will be connected to the investigation of new narratives of national identification in contemporary Venezuela and how they may have practical implications in the design of policies addressing issues such as indigenous rights, community media and national security.Compiling state-of-the-art research on Latin American and Venezuelan politics, this book will appeal to academics and professionals who specialize in Latin American studies, international relations, democracy, and indigenous peoples"--

This article sheds light on the availability and characteristics of international scholarship programs that are sponsored by national and federal governments worldwide and that are intended to promote student mobility. Utilizing descriptive and cluster analyses, the article produces a framework for organizing the population of these programs. The analyses take into account both the central characteristics of programs and economic and political characteristics of the nations sponsoring the program. The typology produced in this analysis may be used by policy makers and researchers to facilitate cross-national comparisons of program design, implementation, and outcomes. © 2014 AERA.

Cover; Half title; Title page; Copyright page; Table of contents; List of Illustrations; Author Biography; Preface; List of Abbreviations; 1 Introduction; Study Method Sample and Population; Collection of Data; Analysis of Data; 2 United Nations International Police; UNPOL Mission Mandates; UNPOL Mission Composition; UNPOL Missions and Hyper-Diversity; 3 The UNPOL Experience; 4 Exploring Expatriate and UNPOL Performance; Expatriate Performance and Acculturation; Expatriate Acculturation Theoretical Framework; Expatriate Acculturation and Performance; Cultural Intelligence

Cover -- Contents -- Acronyms -- Preface -- Executive Summary -- 1. KEY FINDINGS -- 1.1. Legal Systems and Related Institutional Measures -- 1.2. Preventive Measures-Financial Institutions -- 1.3. Preventive Measures-Designated Nonfinancial Businesses and Professions -- 1.4. Legal Persons and Arrangements and Nonprofit Organizations -- 1.5. National and International Cooperation -- 2. GENERAL -- 2.1. General Information on Liechtenstein -- 2.2. Structural elements for an effective AML/CFT system -- 2.3. General Situation of Money Laundering and Financing of Terrorism -- 2.4. Money Laundering -- 2.5. Terrorism financing -- 2.6. Overview of the Financial Sector -- 2.7. Overview of the DNFBP Sector -- 2.8. Overview of Commercial Laws and Mechanisms Governing Legal Persons and Arrangements -- 2.9. Overview of Strategy to Prevent Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing -- 3. Legal System and Related Institutional Measures -- 3.1. Criminalization of Money Laundering (R1 rated PC in third round MER) -- 3.1.1. Description and Analysis -- 3.1.2. Recommendations and Comments -- 3.1.3. Compliance with Recommendation 1 -- 3.2. Criminalization of Terrorist Financing (SR.II rated PC in Third Round MER) -- 3.2.1. Description and Analysis -- 3.3. Criminalization of Financing of Terrorism (c. II.1) -- 3.3.1. Recommendations and Comments -- 3.3.2. Compliance with Special Recommendation II -- 3.4. Confiscation, Freezing, and Seizing of Proceeds of Crime (R.3 rated LC in the third round MER) -- 3.4.1. Description and Analysis -- 3.4.2. Recommendations and Comments -- 3.4.3. Compliance with Recommendation 3 -- 3.5. Freezing of Funds Used for Terrorist Financing (SR.III rated PC in the third round MER) -- 3.5.1. Description and Analysis -- 3.5.2. Recommendations and Comments -- 3.5.3. Compliance with Special Recommendation III.

ABSTRACTImmanuel Kant and Samuel Pufendorf were both exercised by the relationship between politics, morality and lawful authority; a relationship that goes to the heart of the sovereign state's existence and legitimacy. However, while Kant defended the authority of the moral law, believing morality provides higher authoritative norms than the sovereign state, Pufendorf defends the political morality of authority, believing the sovereign state should submit to no higher moral norms. The rivalry between these two positions is reprised in current debate between cosmopolitanism and statism over humanitarian intervention. Arguing against statism, this article defends a Habermasian-style critical international theory which affords a 'cosmopolitanism without imperialism'.

Unequal negotiating capacity has been a longstanding concern for developing countries in multilateral environmental negotiations, affecting their fair and active participation in shaping outcomes. Questions over capacity have often been measured and answered through focusing on delegation size. This article argues that this approach is increasingly limited due to changing practices of non-state actor inclusion within state delegations to the UN climate change negotiations. More significantly, delegation size also obscures more subtle capacity-building efforts through specialized non-governmental organizations that have emerged to 'support' developing country delegations. Whilst existing research has analysed the diverse roles that NGOs play in international negotiations, NGOs whose main purpose is to provide negotiating support have been neglected and under-explored. This article addresses this neglect by presenting three brief case studies of such NGOs. It derives from these cases a typology of negotiating support NGOs to illustrate their variance in terms of the 'range' of issues supported and the 'scale' of support provided to developing countries, whilst providing directions for future research. It illustrates the ways in which NGOs also 'perform' diplomacy, and contributes to a more nuanced understanding of how developing countries negotiate in climate negotiations.

AbstractThe combined effects of socio-economic growth as well as climate change exert increasing pressure on international river basins and require dedicated cooperative efforts to jointly manage international rivers. Cooperative strategies drawn from scientific literature, empirical research and practitioner's handbooks are explored and clustered into six key dimensions of goals, instruments, structures, actors, leadership and resources to provide an assessment tool of actor strategies for both scientists and practitioners. The exploratory framework is applied to Dutch–German cooperation in the delta of the Rhine catchment, testing its conceptual validity and applicability in international river basin management as well as providing policy recommendations for the study area. The assessment framework can serve as an instrument to inventory, map and evaluate the importance of specific actor strategies and to facilitate dialogue and cross-border cooperation between riparian countries. Alternatively, the framework can be put to use, for example by downstream countries, to assess and coordinate their range of strategies on the national, regional and local level in order to engage and influence their counterparts.