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AbstractThis paper uses theoretical and empirical literature of various disciplines to develop a conceptual framework for explaining violent social conflicts. This interdisciplinary framework identifies crucial individual and social mechanisms, and suggests three constitutive sets of elements that define the "anatomy of violent civil conflicts": (i) we begin by considering the role of socio-economic and political conditions and subjective mental states that trigger cognitive and emotional demands such as the demand for safety, order, social belongingness, and self-esteem. (ii) To satisfy the emerging demands and to manage accrued negative emotions and subjectively experienced conflicts, individuals tend to search for reconciliation strategies. While direct physical solutions might offer a practical approach, particular mind-sets tend to provide a cognitive framework to understand and evaluate social reality. They absorb accrued negative emotions and deliver narratives for identification with like-minded individuals who share a set of ideas, goals, guidelines and interpretations. But beyond peaceful ideas, ideologies can be aggressive and totalitarian, such as Religious Fundamentalism, Right-Wing Extremism or Racism, covering irrevocable and static dogmas. (iii) In this case, the dogmatic ideological framework presents a clear, focused and guiding image of the world, which shapes a rigid pattern of coherence and contrast and which is perceived as a vital resource for motivation and recruitment. To understand at first the decision-making process of individuals, it is of vital importance to combine rational economic thinking with the dynamic processes of external threats, social belongingness and individual psychologic dispositions.

This essay critically reflects on challenges and dilemmas I encountered when interviewing white women about their experiences with gender, racialization, and practices of whiteness. These challenges and dilemmas in the research setting relate to the researcher-participant relationship and, in particular, participants' use of 1) a "rhetorical ethic," in which their social justice narratives were contradicted by demonstrations of their own racist ideologies; and 2) how whiteness and femininity were sites of power and resources for "social desirability bias" and impression management in response to my positionality as a white woman with a Black spouse and two racially mixed children. Additionally, this essay grapples with the emotionally difficult journey of being a researcher with the feminist commitment of "giving voice" to women by developing a bond of mutual trust, while at the same time feeling compelled to conceal oneself in search of "honest" responses from the research participants. This reflection illuminates how a/symmetries of power between researcher and the researched are inscribed with race and gender dynamics that are not always discernible, yet have a tremendous influence on data gathering. These dynamics require recognizing the agency of the research participants to shape what are considered and interpreted as data. These dynamics also require treating the data with "critical skepticism" and subjecting the participants' responses to a "radical reflexivity" rooted in understanding how the larger social, political and historical "facts of whiteness" inform the microcosm of the researcher-participant relationship.

AbstractTranslation is much more than the linguistic transference between two languages: it is a cultural activity, rich in choices and consequences. Literature reflects the art and culture of a time and is fueled by translation. By examining which works are translated and the manner of their translation, postcolonial translation offers a framework through which to study their influence on national and world literatures, identities and ideologies. This paper examines the concept of nontranslatability, the original, and the relevance of translation as both an artistic and a political act. Translation is a metaphor for power relations in which culture, not the word, sentence or text is the unit of translation.ResumenLa traducción es mucho más que la transferencia lingüística entre dos idiomas: es una actividad cultural, rica en toma de decisiones y consecuencias. La literatura refleja el arte y la cultura de una época dada y se alimenta de la traducción. Al examinar qué obras se traducen y la manera de traducirlas, la traducción postcolonial ofrece un marco a través del cual se puede estudiar cómo han influido dichas traducciones sobre las literaturas nacionales y mundiales, las identidades y las ideologías. Este trabajo examina el concepto de la no-traducción, el original y la relevancia de la traducción como un acto artístico y político. La traducción es una metáfora de las relaciones de poder en la que la cultura es la unidad de traducción, y no la palabra, la frase o el texto.

This article is about the present day value transformation of Western European civilization, happening through production of alternative models of identification in different subcultures. Subcultural creativity is reviewed as an important differentiating factor of the previous ideological integrity, turning into some contradicting parts. We made an emphasis on black metal subculture, which actively sets itself in opposition to the dominant culture. The main ideological sources of black metal subculture are The Satanic Bible by Anton LaVey and neo-paganism. The analysis reveals that neo-paganism is a more important identification factor of the rebels coming out against the dominant culture, than their commitment to LaVey's ideas, which align quite well with the goals and aims of the late capitalist society. In black metal subculture neo-paganism sometimes combines with extreme right-wing ideologies, transferring anti-Christian nihilism, adolescent misanthropy, and aesthetical radicalism into political aspect. Subkultūros kūrybiškumas kaip tapatumo formavimosi mechanizmas Santrauka.Šis straipsnis skirtas nūdienei Vakarų Europos civilizacijos vertybių transformacijai, vykstančiai randantis skirtingų subkultūrų alternatyviesiems identifikacijos modeliams. Subkultūrinis kūrybiškumas suprantamas kaip svarbus ankstesniojo ideologinio integralumo diferenciacijos veiksnys, lemiantis tam tikrus prieštaringumus. Mes akcentuojame juodojo metalo subkultūrą, ypač pabrėžiančią jos sudaromą opoziciją dominuojančiai kultūrai. Pagrindiniai ideologiniai juodojo metalo subkultūros šaltiniai – tai Antono LaVey'aus Šėtono biblija ir neopagonybė. Analize atskleidžiama, kad neopagonybė yra daug svarbesnis maištininkų identifikavimosi, nusikreipiant prieš dominuojančią kultūrą, veiksnys nei LaVey'aus idėjų, gana gerai pritampančių prie vėlyvosios kapitalistinės visuomenės tikslų ir siekinių, propagavimas. Juodojo metalo subkultūroje neopagonybė tam tikrais atvejais sudaro dermę su kraštutinėmis dešiniosios pakraipos ideologijomis, ...

Women constitute half of total population in India. The roles played by men and women in the society are not biologically determined but socially justified through the culture or religion. Indian history has exposed instances of discrimination against women infringing their rights for equality, liberty and freedom. It diluted their status in the society and made them a 'weaker sex'. Indian Constitution forced the social system to divert from the discriminatory ideologies towards equity.Women are compelled to spent much time in performing household and domestic works, which are either not paid or less paid, to force them to lead life under poverty.Economic disparity among gender persists, as women engage in much of the unpaid works in the family and community. Women should be encouraged to contribute equally like men, through education and employment, to attain inclusive growth in the country. Promoting economic empowerment among women is possible by identifying job opportunities, eliminating power imbalances at workplace, facilitating them the power of decision making, realizing leadership, creating career opportunities for their sustainable growth. Women should be partners for the task of nation building at par with men. People should enjoy equal opportunities, rights and obligations justifiable in the political system. The balancing work and life of women is a challenge to both women and organizations in India. This paper highlights about legal and policy framework for bringing work life balance at workplace and states the benefits derived from the work life balance strategies to the employees, organizations and families in general.

The exhibition Who Gets To Look, which took place in the University Art Gallery in Irvine, California, featured Erik Benjamins' multimedia installation, A group of elderly ramblers passed by our front door on the way to their hearth. (2016), and Sable Elyse Smith's single channel videos How We Tell Stories To Children (2015), untitled: Self-Portrait (2013), Men Who Swallow Themselves In Mirrors (2016), and a sculpture title Landscape 1 (2016). Each artist grounded their work in sites of extreme social mediation. Benjamins' work, comprised of text and field recordings of music and performances that took place in People's Park in Chengdu, China, examined conventions of home and abroad, comfort and discomfort, through the lens of tourism. Smith's videos, informed by popular and personal narratives of prison and racialized violence, complicated the boundaries between myth and reality, prompting a consideration of the consequences of representation. By bringing these artworks into conversation with one another, the exhibition sought to reveal how these differing bodies of work challenged notions of personal and national identities being natural, cohesive, and stable. The following thesis, Who Speaks for Who, builds on the theoretical framework of the exhibition to analyze the aesthetic and political propositions that these works implicitly make. As I examine resonances between Benjamins' and Smith's bodies of work, my aim is to illustrate how each artist considers the ways in which uncritical modes of viewership insidiously work against the possibility for critical interrogations of identification informed by social constructs and nationalist ideologies.

Danışman: Fatma Zeynep Özkurt. ; Son yıllarda Orta Doğu'da özellikle Suriye'de (Türkiye sınırı bölgelerinde) faaliyette olan terör örgütü DAEŞ'in ortaya çıkış süreci, gelir kaynakları ve sürdürdüğü ideolojik düşünceler ışığında hareket kabiliyeti incelenmiştir. Türkiye'nin DAEŞ ile mücadele politikalarına da yer verilen bu çalışmada; siyasi, hukuki, sosyal ekonomik ve askeri politikalar ile Fırat Kalkanı Operasyonu'na da ayrıca değinilmiştir. ; The concept of terror is among the events individuals, countries and individuals do not want. In recent years, ideological terrorist organizations have increased their activities according to this situation. In order to prove your observations made and carried out in the Middle East by the DAEŞ, it is seen that many people, society and the country are disturbed, and the deaths and the migrations between the countries also increase. First, the emergence of the DAEŞ, its aims, ideologies, personnel and income sources are examined because of the risk created by DAEŞ. Struggle with terror The operation of Euphrates Kalkan under the political, legal, military and especially military policies of Turkey against EEŞ has been examined separately. In the study, the safe zones that can be created against the terrorist organizations operating in the region close to the border of Turkey are also legally mentioned and it is mentioned that Turkey views these regions in the operations, reaction to the terrorist corridor at the border line and the provision of border security. Moreover, politics has been studied and applied to politics, solution proposals and struggle strategies, which have been examined and addressed since politics is important for the fight against terrorism.

Testifying to the gap in fundamental research on positive intergroup outcomes, we investigated reconciliation attitudes in a non-violent intergroup context (i.e., the linguistic conflict in Belgium). By incorporating both important predictors of negative outgroup attitudes (i.e., individual differences in rigid cognitive styles and authoritarian ideologies), and important predictors of reconciliation (i.e., intergroup emotions), we aimed to contribute to a more comprehensive theoretical framework for the analysis of intergroup relations. We recruited one Flemish (N = 310) and one Walloon (N = 365) undergraduate students sample to test the proposed model. Structural equation analyses with maximum likelihood estimation were conducted using the Lavaan package. In both samples, similar patterns were found. More in particular, the need for cognitive closure appeared to be the basic predictor of right-wing attitudes (i.e., right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation) and essentialist thinking, which were then associated with less outgroup empathy and trust, and more outgroup anger. Furthermore, outgroup trust and empathy were positively related to reconciliation. Interestingly, some differences between the Flemish and Walloon sample were found, such as the direct effects of need for closure and social dominance orientation in the first sample, and the non-significant effects of essentialism in the latter sample. Considering the ongoing public and political debate about the linguistic conflict in Belgium, these findings shed a new light on how individual differences relate to specific outgroup emotions, and how these are associated with important intergroup outcomes in the face of intergroup conflict. ; Peer reviewed

There is a strong link between religious fundamentalist movements and the globalization (economic) project. In the context of Western civilization, fundamentalist movements are closely linked to the "critical discussion" on the antinomy of modernity. These movements reached a new phase in the second half of the 20 century, namely a "confrontation" between Western civilization and the East (Islam). On the one hand, the Western civilization model of the globalization project grows due to a certain form of fundamentalism within itself, namely an economic fundamentalism. On the other hand fundamentalist movements within Islam which turn religion into ideology, put forward a programme for the "universalisation" of Islam as the basis of a world order. The world order which is presently dominated by the Western civilization model, characterized by the capitalistic and the secular, has to end and be replaced by a world order based on Islamic law. This movement works on a principle of compulsion. The "rivalry" between the two has no connection at all with a "clash of civilizations" but rather with the fact that globalization in its present form is only possible for a rich elite minority. A middle way must be worked out, not the globalization of the economic or political system, nor the globalization of a particular ideology, whether secular or religious, but rather the globalization of Aufklärung (enlightenment) and of solidarity. Kata-kata kunci: Globalisasi, modernitas, gerakan fundamentalis, islamisme, ideologi, Aufklärung, "imperialisme budaya", sekularisasi.

Business research is placing increasing focus on the relationship between the natural environment and the political concept of sustainable development. Within this nexus, one area, labelled 'Corporate Sustainability', emphasizes the interactions between economic, environmental and social values. The need to consider multiple values has contributed to a blur in the conceptual landscape. This is partly due to the fact that authors often address epistemological challenges on an implicit level. Moreover, hidden ideologies, e.g. the profit maximization paradigm, can explain the conceptual obscurity. The contribution of this article is twofold. Firstly, a conceptual framework is developed based on the dichotomy of positivism and constructivism. A relation is established between these epistemological positions and the analytic treatment of environmental and social values. The framework can be applied to increase transparency on epistemological challenges and thereby strengthening construct validity in the field. Secondly, an analysis of the most influential literature from the last 50 years shows that there is a trend of clustering theoretical positions and value constructs without any critical awareness of their philosophical assumptions. The authors hope that acknowledgement of a multi-paradigmatic approach can help to clarify the epistemology of the research area by establishing pluralism as an explicit position. ; acceptedVersion ; © 2017 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. This is the author's accepted and refereed manuscript of the article. Locked until 24 March 2019 due to copyright restrictions. Author's post-print is released with a Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial No Derivatives License.

Though musical modernism was a topic of frequent debate in the British press in the 1920s and 30s, until the 1990s, few scholars attempted to challenge underlying assumptions that modernism in British music was somehow less modern than the musical developments of its continental peers. This growing body of scholarship, however, has focused almost exclusively on male composers, ignoring the contributions of composers such as Elizabeth Maconchy (1907-1994), who was widely considered to be at the forefront of the younger generation of composers emerging during the interwar period.This dissertation examines Maconchy's early career and its reception in conjunction with the political landscape of music in Britain during the interwar period. While the contemporary neglect of Maconchy's music has often been attributed to gender discrimination, in the late 1920s and early 30s, Maconchy achieved renown despite the discouragement meted out by prejudice and incomprehension. By the late 1930s, however, the overall reception of Maconchy's music began to shift. Her music, which had been welcome in the early part of decade and praised for its radically modern—yet at the same time distinctively "British"—idiom, came to be castigated by critics as the exact opposite by the end of the decade. This research contributes to a greater understanding of the intricate web of gender politics and shifting attitudes towards modern music in Britain by illuminating not only aspects of Maconchy's early career that have been ignored and overlooked, but also the vital role played by nationalist ideologies in the decade leading up to the Second World War.

The novels of the Cameroonian author Calixthe Beyala reveal discourses connected to gender, power and violence, as well from an African as from a diasporal point of view. Her writings review how the woman is defined through eroticism, exoticism and culturalism embedded in language. The aim of this article is to show how Beyala take use of African and Western world values and ideologies to make way for a modern female, unbound of traditional systems and taboos. In this respect, the quest for identity, place and function is at stake in a fragile new world order where the woman, still marginalized in a global context, is among the first to be edged out. The discourse analysis will use theories from the works of Edward Saïd and Homi K Bhabha in order to complete the post-colonial perspective. ; Abstract of the book Discourse is a place of construction of identity. If identity discourses sometimes offend social morality and posit the speaker as abject or social pariah, they nevertheless partake in the construction of communities. This book examines gender discourse and the construction of identity from two axes. The first one, "literary discourses", explores literary works from different geographical, cultural, and political areas to show how discourse helps construct identity and the "universality" of the main theme of this book. The second axis, "discourses from elsewhere", deals with law and cinema, insisting on how the legal framework of a society and the scenarios of films can help produce discourses and subsequent identities.

Civil wars are intricate social, political and psychological phenomena. However, economics can offer analytical insights which are useful alongside the more conventional approach of case-studies. Indeed, the policy conclusions drawn from economic analysis sometimes cast doubt on conventional advice. The use of economic theory and statistical evidence help to guard against excessive generalization from individual civil wars that inevitably suffer from both a surfeit of possible explanations and advocacy. Rigorous empirical study of civil war requires a precise definition of an imprecise and poorly observed phenomenon, a process that provides considerable room for legitimate disagreement. Hence, we begin by discussing the choices made in constructing the major data sets that describe the duration and severity of civil wars. Ideological, religious or ethnic differences are conventionally regarded as the causes of civil war. Economic theory explains civil war in the framework of incentives and constraints rather than ideologies or identities. This framework enables economists to analyse the distinctive feature of civil war: the emergence and persistence of a rebel army: some conditions make rebellion both more attractive and more feasible than others. Consistent with this emphasis on incentives and constraints, statistical studies suggest that economic characteristics, notably the level, growth and structure of income, are important influences on the risk of war. In addition to the explanation of the initiation and duration of civil wars, economic methods can also generate estimates of their costs and consequences. This is an essential step towards the cost-benefit analysis of policy interventions.

AbstractIn the years immediately following independence, India's political leadership, assisted by a network of civic organizations, sought to transform what, how, and how much Indians ate. These campaigns, this article argues, embodied a broader post-colonial project to reimagine the terms of citizenship and development in a new nation facing enduring scarcity. Drawing upon wartime antecedent, global ideologies of population and land management, and an ethos of austerity imbued with the power to actualize economic self-reliance, the new state urged its citizens to give up rice and wheat, whose imports sapped the nation of the foreign currency needed for industrial development. In place of these staples, India's new citizens were asked to adopt 'substitute' and 'subsidiary' foods—including bananas, groundnuts, tapioca, yams, beets, and carrots—and give up a meal or more each week to conserve India's scant grain reserves. And as Indian planners awaited the possibility of fundamental agricultural advance and agrarian reform, they looked to food technology and the promise of 'artificial rice' as a means of making up for India's perennial food deficit. India's women, as anchors of the household—and therefore, the nation—were tasked with facilitating these dietary transformations, and were saddled with the blame when these modernist projects failed. Unable to marshal the resources needed to undertake fundamental agricultural reform, India's planners placed greater faith in their ability to exercise authority over certain aspects of Indian citizenship itself, tying the remaking of practices and sentiments to the reconstruction of a self-reliant national economy.

AbstractThis article analyses the intersection between cosmopolitanism and racist ideologies in the faith healing practices of the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church in Zion. Originally from Illinois, USA, this organization was the period's most influential divine healing group. Black and white members, under the leadership of the charismatic John Alexander Dowie, eschewed medical assistance and proclaimed God's power to heal physical affliction. In affirming the deity's capacity to remake human bodies, church members also insisted that God could refashion biological race into a capacious spiritual ethnicity: a global human race they referred to as the "Adamic" race. Zionist universalist teachings were adopted by dispossessed and newly urbanized Boer ex-farmers in Johannesburg, Transvaal, before spreading to the soldiers of the British regiments recently arrived to fight the Boer states in the war of 1899–1902. Zionism equipped these estranged white "races" with a vocabulary to articulate political reconciliation and a precarious unity. But divine healing was most enthusiastically received among the Transvaal's rural Africans. Amidst the period's hardening segregation, Africans seized upon divine healing's innovative racial teachings, but both Boers and Africans found disappointment amid Zion's cosmopolitan promises. Boers were marginalized within the new racial regimes of the Edwardian empire in South Africa, and white South Africans had always been ambivalent about divine healing's incorporations of black Africans into a unitary race. This early history of Zionism in the Transvaal reveals the constriction of cosmopolitan aspirations amidst fast-narrowing horizons of race, nation, and empire in early twentieth-century South Africa.