Suchergebnisse

Against current developments in the sociology of IR, from new systemic theorizations of world society to Bourdieusian approaches to the practices of IR scholars, this article claims that relevant problems remain regarding how IR theorizes its social location and reconciles the social character of the world it observes with the social character of its observations. To reformulate these problems, the article draws from an underused paradigm of social system theorizing, sociocybernetics, offering a radical constructivist treatment of the problem of observation and reflexivity. Elaborating the notion of second-order cybernetics and Niklas Luhmann's take on the reproduction of observing social systems, the article argues that IR can be conceived as an observing social system that adapts by altering and subdividing the semantic boundaries of its systemic communications, that is, IR theories. This socio-heuristic process structures both the first-order observations IR makes about the world, as well as second-order observations of itself. In this manner, the article argues that sociocybernetics-informed sociology of IR communications can contribute to a more nuanced understanding of IR as a social system that observes society from society.

'Eros of International Relations' is a distinctive work that explores the much-neglected Chinese perspective in broader international relations theory. Using the concept of 'self-feminizing' - adoption of a feminine identity to oblige and achieve mutual caring as a relational strategy - this book argues that postcolonial actors have employed gendered identities in order to survive the squeezing pressure of globalisation and nationalism in their own ways.

Conventions covering the law of the sea contain provisions on compensation for wrongful interferences with navigation, though they are rarely applied. This book analyses all relevant compensation provisions and compares them to the general law of state responsibility. The author discusses such issues as the responsibility of international organizations, liability for lawful conduct, and several and joint liability in public international law.

Through an explanation of the domestic political controversy that surrounded the most recent Swedish candidature and subsequent membership of the UN Security Council 2017–18, this article contributes to our understanding of the domestic–foreign policy nexus in two respects. First, it conceptualizes a domain of foreign policy priorities. Issues within this domain are likelier to deviate from a consensual pattern of foreign policy by sparking conflict, as they provoke competing national role conceptions among the foreign policy elite. Second, it refines results from previous study on the executive–legislative relationship in foreign policy. It confirms the association between party conflict on substantive foreign policy and a higher level of parliamentary control on the government. The conflict on substance leads to a decline in trust among members of parliament in opposition, which may motivate the continuation of parliamentary control through available instruments also after the conflict on substance is settled. The analysis is conducted in three descriptive steps: (1) the domestic-institutional context of decision-making, (2) partisan divides, and (3) the executive–legislative relationship. It utilizes a variety of sources, including parliamentary debates, governmental and parliamentary assessments, and interviews with diplomats and senior officials.

A clearer definition of the scope and purposes of the Pan American Union and a reaffirmation of faith and confidence in the purposes of the institution and the principles which it represents, are among the outstanding accomplishments of the Sixth International Conference of American States, which met at Habana from January 16 to February 20,1928. The discussions by the committee appointed to consider the organization of the Union demonstrated anew the interest of the representatives of the twenty-one Republics in the institution and their desire to make it of the greatest possible influence in cementing the bonds of economic, social and cultural union between the nations of the Western Hemisphere. Throughout the proceedings it was clearly evident that all the delegates were animated by these motives. Differences of opinion that developed were not of a fundamental character, affecting the existence of the Union itself, but related to the extent of the powers to be granted to the institution and to matters of internal organization. At the same time the results of the deliberations definitely settled the doubts and possible misunderstandings that had previously existed with respect to the extent of the political authority that the Union might exercise.

"A discussion on the future of trade, investment and the environment. It sets out the trade, investment and environment agenda in the run-up to the Millennium Round of trade negotiations. Topics covered include: building markets for sustainable trade; environmental regulation; finance and transnational corporations; environmental regulation and international investment; and conflict resolution in the World Trade Organization. The contributors include Renato Ruggiero (WTO Director General), Brian Wilson MP (UK Trade Minister), and John Gummer MP (former UK Secretary of State for the Environment)."--Provided by publisher.

"Wednesday, June 19, 1946--Ordered to be printed." ; Submitted by the Committee on Foreign Relations. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.