Constructing a Chinese school of international relations: ongoing debates and sociological realities
In: Worlding beyond the West, 9
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In: Worlding beyond the West, 9
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 64, Heft 5, S. 880-891
ISSN: 2161-7953
The Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice did not contain a clause regulating the procedure for its amendment. This was considered to be a "gap," an "unfortunate lacuna." This "gap" may or may not have been deliberate. It was certainly not a "genuine" gap. In spite of the absence of a provision on amendments, the law provided a clear though inconvenient answer to the question of how the Statute could be amended, namely, by unanimous consent of all parties to it. In 1928 proceedings for the introduction of some amendments were initiated. They were incorporated in a Protocol of Amendment in 1929. The difficulties which were encountered before the Protocol of Amendment entered into force in 1936 are now history and need not be dealt with here, the less so as they have been described in considerable detail in a recent book. The Protocol of Amendment did not remedy this defect of the original Statute. As Hudson has explained, this was due to the fact that the adhesion of the United States was proposed on condition that the Statute "shall not be amended without the consent of the United States." Such a position could hardly be accorded to the United States unless it were also maintained for the other states which were parties.
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In: YJUEC-D-22-00317
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This text considers the issues of world poverty and global justice, addressing the ability of people in poor or developing countries to have enough food, or clean water, or access to basic healthcare. It draws on international law aimed at the protection and promotion of human rights
In: Planning, heritage and sustainability
Re-imagining the Silk Road for the 21st century -- BRI from within China: vision, rationale, and the "corridors". -- BRI from within China: mechanisms, institutions, and media representations. -- Urban development challenges under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) -- Inter-continental transport networks and Asian Economic Corridor for the Korean Peninsula -- Establishing BRI in Thailand: contrasting 'desire lines' in the delivery of two high-speed rail projects -- Malaysia: Chinese participation in infrastructure from contractor to conspirator? -- China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Cambodia -- The Production of megaprojects in Java: colonialism, nationalism, development centralisation vs decentralisation -- Belt and Road Initiative in Iran: urban-regional dialogue in two corridors and three cities -- The critical need for urban planning around Port Vila's BRI projects -- Ethiopia: the Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway -- Strengthening Brazil's food system: can China's Belt and Road help? -- Challenges and opportunities to port development with BRI in Japan -- International perspectives of the BRI: new, unfolding globalisation.
In: Canadian Yearbook of international Law, 2018/Annuaire canadien de droit international, 2018
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In: Journal of refugee studies
ISSN: 1471-6925
Abstract
This paper examines the alignment of refugee aid interventions with Cameroon's national policy of emergence, shedding light on an authoritarian government's utilization of international assistance. Drawing on extensive ethnographic fieldwork, it investigates how international policies aiming at turning refugees into a development opportunity for their host states are managed by an aid-receiving country and strategically leveraged by Cameroonian authorities to strengthen their political apparatus. It explores how the government integrates humanitarian responses with large-scale development policies, while retaining control over strategic sectors. Implementing the emergence policy enables Cameroon to reappropriate international standards, navigating complex donor relations to establish new legitimacy. The analysis highlights the power dynamics and implications of aid interventions within an authoritarian context, demonstrating the state's capacity to transform internal crises into productive forces. This research contributes to a better understanding of the links between refugee aid, host states' domestic and international politics, and migration diplomacy.
The last decades have witnessed an increasing participation of civil society organisations in different areas of global governance. The international trade regime under the W TO has over the years been criticised as being unfavourable to the developing countries and has thus witnessed a significant interest from the part of the NGOs. This article examines how NGOs attempt to influence policies formation within the international trade regime and what implications they have on Africa. The article identifies and discusses the different strategies employed by these NGOs and carves out how they have shaped and strengthened Africa 's participation in international trade politics, as well as how they contributed to the introduction of the key issue of sustainable development within the discourse of international trade. The article concludes by pointing out that African states should view NGOs as important support partners and not as equally powerful or more powerful actors.
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In response to gritty accounts of firefights involving private forces like Blackwater in Iraq and Afghanistan, many legal scholars have addressed the rising use of private forces——or mercenaries——in the 21st century under international law. Remarkably, only a few have attempted to understand why these forces are so objectionable. This is not a new problem. Historically, attempts to control private forces by bringing them under international law have been utterly ineffective, such as Article 47 of Additional Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions. In Silent Partners, I propose utilizing the norm against mercenary use as a theoretical framework to understand at what point private forces become objectionable and then draft a provision of international humanitarian law to effectively control their use. Such a provision will encourage greater compliance with international law by these forces and reduce their negative externalities by ensuring legitimate control and attachment to a legitimate cause.
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In: Springer eBook Collection
Table of Contents Introduction -- What is Diplomatic Asylum? -- History of the Practice in the Context of Diplomatic Law -- International Treaty Law -- Customary International Law -- Diplomatic Asylum on the Basis of Humanitarian Considerations -- Conclusion -- Annex. .
In: Review of African political economy, Band 41, Heft 142
ISSN: 1740-1720
This paper shows the relationship between regime and dependency theories. Its central argument is that international regimes primarily serve the accumulation interests of metropolitan capitalism, and hence perpetuate dependency. Using the case of the apparel industry in sub-Saharan Africa, it brings to the fore both the dependency and struggle in international regimes that mainstream regime theory masks. The paper concludes that, in its struggle to embed industry, Africa will need to clearly interpret the parameters of a more complex international political economy than that described in the classic dependency literature of the 1970s, and respond to them with cleverness and alacrity.
In: Columbia Journal of Law & the Arts, Forthcoming
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Although international. law has figured prominently in many disputes around actions of the U.S. military, the precise relationship between international law and the President's war powers has gone largely unexplored. This Article seeks to clarify one important aspect of that relationship: the role of international law in determining the scope of Congress's general authorizations for the use of force. In the seminal case of Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, the plurality opinion used international law to interpret the authorization by Congress for the use of force, but did so without adequate attention to the content or interpretive function of international law. This Article identifies and defends a better approach: courts should presume that general authorizations for the use of force do not empower the President to violate international law. Such a presumption is consistent with long-standing tools of statutory interpretation reflected in the Charming Betsy canon, maximizes the presumed preferences of Congress, advances separation of powers values, and promotes normative values that favor the use of international law as an interpretive tool.
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In: Springer eBook Collection
Environmental Risks That May Be Caused by GM Crops -- The International Regulatory Approach Addressing Environmental Risks That May Be Caused by GM Crops -- The Chinese Regulatory Framework and Institutional Structure Addressing Environmental Risks That May Be Caused by GM Crops -- Legal Principles Addressing Environmental Risks That May Be Caused by GM Crops in China -- Legal Measures Addressing Environmental Risks That May Be Caused by GM Crops in China -- Conclusion.