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As an era that is oftentimes categorized as one of the most prudish in British history, it is commonplace to see the Victorian Period as a time that imposed strict moral codes onto people of all classes, genders, and ages. Although the 18th century proved to be quite lenient with the manner in which social behavior was controlled, the 19th century proved to be an era of tension between the social order and individual desire, particularly for the middle and upper classes. With the aid of the Industrial Revolution, many governments found it essential to utilize the newly innovated printing press as a means to present "correct" moral behavior as well as to dismiss those who went against the social norm. Authors such as George Moore and Oscar Wilde, though, saw publication as a means to share their art and to respectively explore the concepts of French Naturalism and Aestheticism; however, booksellers and circulating libraries avoided Naturalist and Aesthetic novels such as Moore's and Wilde's because of the way their works justify immoral sexualities. These justifications were believed to have the power to dismantle a society heavily built on the strict gender norms of the Angel in the House and the Gentleman of the middle and upper classes. The suggestion that people did not have to adhere to these roles, engaging in roles of the New Woman and the Dandy instead, made the bourgeois class nervous. Without gender roles, the patriarchal society that benefited from the submission of the sexual would struggle to justify their expectations of men and women of all class structures. Although the publishing industry allowed the spread of acceptable behaviors in a more efficient manner, literature that threatened the social order had to be controlled with outright censorship. There is a tendency to see Victorian Literature as prudish because of the important influence of gender roles, but people of this time equally engaged in the discussion of sexuality. As such, the bourgeois class was appropriately worried about the changes in ideology about morality and sexuality.

I argue that the transparency reforms that have been implemented in the Council of the EU in the last decades are unlikely to change the perception of the Council as a non-transparent institution. My argument is based on three distinctions: the distinction between transparency (availability of information) and publicity (spread and reception of information); between transparency in process and transparency in rationale; and between plenary and committee decision-making arenas in legislatures. While national parliaments tend to have all these features, the Council of the EU only has two (transparency in process and committee decision-making). As a consequence, publishing ever more documents and detailed minutes of committee meetings is unlikely to strengthen the descriptive legitimacy of the Council. Furthermore, I argue that the democratic transparency problem is the reverse of what is most often argued: It is not the lack of transparency that causes a democratic deficit, but the (perceived) lack of a democratic infrastructure that makes more serious transparency reforms unthinkable to government representatives.

I argue that the transparency reforms that have been implemented in the Council of the EU in the last decades are unlikely to change the perception of the Council as a non-transparent institution. My argument is based on three distinctions: the distinction between transparency (availability of information) and publicity (spread and reception of information); between transparency in process and transparency in rationale; and between plenary and committee decision-making arenas in legislatures. While national parliaments tend to have all these features, the Council of the EU only has two (transparency in process and committee decision-making). As a consequence, publishing ever more documents and detailed minutes of committee meetings is unlikely to strengthen the descriptive legitimacy of the Council. Furthermore, I argue that the democratic transparency problem is the reverse of what is most often argued: It is not the lack of transparency that causes a democratic deficit, but the (perceived) lack of a democratic infrastructure that makes more serious transparency reforms unthinkable to government representatives.

I argue that the transparency reforms that have been implemented in the Council of the EU in the last decades are unlikely to change the perception of the Council as a non-transparent institution. My argument is based on three distinctions: the distinction between transparency (availability of information) and publicity (spread and reception of information); between transparency in process and transparency in rationale; and between plenary and committee decision-making arenas in legislatures. While national parliaments tend to have all these features, the Council of the EU only has two (transparency in process and committee decision-making). As a consequence, publishing ever more documents and detailed minutes of committee meetings is unlikely to strengthen the descriptive legitimacy of the Council. Furthermore, I argue that the democratic transparency problem is the reverse of what is most often argued: It is not the lack of transparency that causes a democratic deficit, but the (perceived) lack of a democratic infrastructure that makes more serious transparency reforms unthinkable to government representatives.

1 sheet ([1] p.) ; Broadside. ; Caption title. ; Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.

Scientists, national politicians and specialists from Lithuania and other countries identified the main determinants of the social development of the territories of Lithuania, the problems of the society, which have been influenced by this development, and possible trends of change. Although the social development of Lithuanian territories is determined by a "bundle" of social problems, the focus of the article is on those that may affect the availability of education in the most sparsely populated districts of Lithuania. The aim of this article is to reveal the prospects of education availability in the most sparsely populated areas of Lithuania in the context of the social development of the country's territories. The main problem question related to this is what prospects for the availability of education in the most sparsely populated areas of the country presuppose the social development of Lithuania's territories. In order to achieve the aim of the article, the design of the research was based on the theoretical analysis of the problem raised and a secondary analysis of the data in the field. The main findings of the research reflect the situation in the field of study, and the conclusions of the research drawn on the basis of them provide an assessment of the prospects of education accessibility in the most sparsely populated areas of Lithuania.